Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sonia Bertol1.pdf: 1339896 bytes, checksum: 00bd7c9728898461969b5fdf64e80825 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present study investigates the convergences and divergences in the primary and secondary communication pertaining breast cancer. We used an interpretation method provided by Framing Theory, Agenda Setting, Social Learning Theory, Diffusion of Innovations, Semiotics and the concept of the News (like information about recent events), basing our argument on the fact that scientists and journalists communicate scientific news under a different light. Another objective of our study was to draw a historical view on the Health Communication and its evolution, taking into consideration that the communication field has undertaken an enormous effort to stablish a relationship with the health field, creating an area to apply theories, principles and communication techniques, with the clear objective of dissemination and sharing of information, knowledge and practices that can contribute to improve the health and wellness of the population. We found considerable supporting material through the analysis of data from scientific and journalistic periodicals which publish news regarding breast cancer. The implications of such differences between primary communication (among peers) and secondary communication (general public) for the health communication are sometimes presented as convergences, and sometimes as divergences. When they are presented in a clear and understandable manner, they represent an advancement to Health Communication, bringing positive results for the well being of the population, taking into consideration that the origin of the diseases lies, fundamentally, where the biological and social dimensions intertwine.(AU) / Este estudo investiga as convergências e as divergências na comunicação primária e na comunicação secundária do câncer de mama. Nós usamos um esquema interpretativo fornecido pela Análise de Enquadramento, Agenda Setting, Teoria do Aprendizado Social, Difusão de Inovações, Semiótica e conceito de Novidade na Ciência e no Jornalismo, para argumentar que cientistas e jornalistas comunicam as novidades da Ciência de modos diversos. Também tivemos como uma proposta secundária traçar um panorama histórico da Comunicação da Saúde, e sua evolução, considerando que a Comunicação empreendeu um esforço para legitimar um espaço de encontro com a Saúde, afirmando uma área de aplicação de teorias, princípios e técnicas comunicacionais, com o objetivo preciso de difundir e compartilhar informação, conhecimentos e práticas que contribuam para melhorar os sistemas de saúde e o bem-estar das populações. Através da análise dos dados de periódicos científicos e jornalísticos que divulgam o câncer de mama, nós encontramos apoio significante para nossas predições. As implicações destas diferenças entre a comunicação primária (interpares) e a comunicação secundária (público leigo) para a comunicação da saúde são discutidas, às vezes apresentando-se como convergências, às vezes como divergências. Quando bem esclarecidas e compreendidas, fazem avançar a Comunicação da Saúde, obtendo resultados positivos no bem-estar das populações, considerando que a origem das doen ças está, fundamentalmente, onde se entrelaçam o biológico e o social.(AU)

Denna undersökning syftar till att undersöka hur svensk dags- och kvällspress porträtterar den misstänkte gärningsmannen för terrordådet i Stockholm den 7 april 2017. Vidare ämnar undersökningen granska hur pressens språk stärker stereotypiska uppfattningar, samt belysa eventuella likheter och skillnader i framställningen av den misstänkte gärningsmannen. För denna granskning tillämpas en kvalitativ innehållsanalys på totalt 102 artiklar publicerade under en treveckorsperiod i tidningarna Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Aftonbladet och Expressen. Ur analysresultaten framgår att den misstänkte gärningsmannen skildras övervägande likartat och konsekvent i de fyra tidningarna, med betoning på dennes nationalitet, religion och ideologi. Utifrån det dras slutsatsen att språket i materialet skildrar den misstänkte gärningsmannen stereotypiskt och därigenom ger upphov till en samhällsomfattande reaktionskedja. Denna reaktionskedja inbegriper bland annat hur allmänhetens åsikter påverkas av stereotyper, hur allmänheten bedömer politiska partier och därigenom hur politiska partier väljs och på så sätt kan påverka medier och allmänheten. Reaktionskedjan kan i sin tur även skapa nya stereotypiska skildringar av inte bara terrorister, utan även terrormisstänkta individer.

Emojis är ett digitalt uttryckssätt baserade på smileys och emoticons som introducerades i smarta telefoner under 2011 och har sedan dess blivit en integrerad del av många människors vardagliga kommunikation. De används också i politisk kommunikation på sociala medier på samma sätt som en del i ett modernt uttryckssätt. Den här undersökningen tittar på 557 emojis i 300 inlägg gjorda av tre ledande politiska partier – Høyre i Norge, Socialdemokraterna i Sverige och Venstre i Danmark. Syftet är att förstå vilken funktion emojis har i förhållande till texten och bilden i inlägget. Med utgångspunkt i Goffmans gestaltningsteori görs en kvantitativ översiktsskapande analys av 300 inlägg där alla emojis placeras i en av Fairhursts gestaltningsteknik baserat på vilken funktion de har i inlägget. I en djupare analys undersöks 15 inlägg där alla emojis analyseras utifrån teorierna gestaltningsteknik, polysemiskt objekt och positionsvärde. Emojis används av alla tre partier på liknande sätt och alla tre partier delar en likadan gestaltningsteknik bland de topp tre vanligaste. Främst är de ett substitut för mellanmänsklig kommunikation men sällan svårtolkade. Eftersom alla partier använder emojis på ett liknande sätt kan det ses som en medialisering i förhållande till sociala medier, snarare än en utveckling utifrån en nationell kultur. / Emojis is a digital expression based on smileys and emoticons that were introduced in smartphones during 2011, and has since then become an integrated part with peoples every day communication. They are also used in political communication on social media as part of a modern expression. This is an examination of 557 emojis in 300 Instagram post made by three leading political parties – Høyre in Norway, Socialdemokraterna in Sweden and Venstre in Denmark. The overall purpose is to understand what function the emoji have in the Instragram text and picture context. This is a quantitative examination starting in the Goffman framing theory were 300 Instagram posts are analyzed and the emojis are assigned a Fairhurst framing technique based on its function in the post. It’s also a qualitative analysis of 15 Instagram posts were the containing emojis are analyzed from the theories framing technique, polysemic object and position value. Emojis are used in similar ways by all the parties and they share one framing technique on their top three used techniques. The emoji is used as a substitute for nonverbal communication in the posts and are seldom hard to understand. The usage can be seen as a result of medialization in relation to social media rather than a development from a national culture.

The thesis The media image of the Fair Trade concept in the Czech press examines media image of the Fair Trade business system in the most widely read newspapers Aha!, Blesk, Hospodářské noviny, Lidové noviny, Mladá fronta DNES, Právo and Sport. The aim is to find out whether newspapers report on Fair Trade in broader context and in which frames it is most likely presented. At the same time the thesis examines the extent to which newspapers inform about Fair Trade. There are two hypothesis formulated, one suggesting that the amount of articles referring about Fair trade has an increasing tendency and that articles do not address the issue in broader context. The answers to research questions and the validity of the hypotheses are examined through quantitative and qualitative content analysis based primarily on the framework theory. Deductive procedure using pre-formulated control questions is also used. The finding is that the newspapers most often present Fair Trade in economics frame followed by conflict frame and human impact frame. In addition, the thesis examines the presence of a critical frame, which is almost absent in the newspapers. The context is usually limited. The amount of articles about Fair Trade is decreasing during the monitored period of time. So the validity of the hypothesis...

This study is an attempt to comprehend how Palestinians and Israelis perceive the conflict and the peace process. It identifies the channels and dynamics related to the shaping of their perceptions on the individual, community, and political levels. The main objectives of this study are to probe the degree of homogeneity between these levels for both Palestinians and Israelis as well as the degree of discord between them on the same levels and to pinpoint intervening factors that contribute to carving out the ultimate perceptions that individuals hold. Unlike previous work, this study employs a multi-method approach to measure and benchmark of the topic at hand. To bridge further gaps, a developed matrix extends the analyses on temporalspatial dimensions of individuals’ cognitions, affections, and behaviors pertaining to the conflict. This study falls within the descriptive research that seeks probing the effect of macro-level factors (the media, and political parties/leaders) on microlevel ones (the audience cognitive processing), and is involved in describing and identifying its elements and components through the collection and analysis of data. Interpretation of data is based on a combination of content analysis for eight major newspapers, two public opinion surveys and a document analysis affiliated to the main four political parties. The analysis of the Palestinians and Israelis’ perspective of the conflict and the peace process revealed that the actual conflict has three main dimensions: First, the struggle between individuals, which is full of self-contradictions, as each party describes a conflict in a way different than the other. It is a conflict, in which the past and present of the two sides of the conflict are different - the bitter past itself with different narratives, yet the motives are the same but conducive to different results. Whereas each party is blaming the other on these three levels, the conflict is rooted in different forms, but intertwined with one another. Both nations differ entirely in prioritizing the core issues of the conflict. For example, the study reveals that for Palestinians the issue of Jerusalem ranks first, followed by the issue of releasing of prisoners. The issue of the refugees ranks third, and paradoxically recognizing Israel as a Jewish state ranks last according to Palestinians. As for the Israelis, the issue of security and safety ranks first, the recognition of the Jewishness of their state ranks second, followed by the issue of Jerusalem that comes in the third place, whereas and at loggerheads with the Palestinians’ aspirations, the establishing of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders ranks last on their part. The same applies to the proposed solutions of the conflict. The future is fuzzy, and everyone sees the most appropriate solutions that fit their own interest, as a part of the zero-sum game. Both peoples yearn for peace, and both peoples are tired and bored of the conflict, but the majority in both sides, however, are not willing to make concessions towards this end and consequently are not optimistic in reaching peace in the near future. Furthermore, each party does not view the political leadership of the other party as a partner for peace. Secondly, a media conflict, where the analysis illustrates a similarity in the issues raised in the Palestinian and Israeli newspapers, but there were distinct statistical differences in the extent of coverage and in the display of those issues and their interpretation between the Israeli and Palestinian media, the matter which is clearly reflects on the individuals’ view on the causes of the conflict, its consequences and solutions. Regarding the third level of the conflict i.e. the conflict between political leaders and parties, a strong statistical relationship has been established between political affiliation to a particular party and the perspective of both, the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, on the most significant issues of the conflict. This is reflected in the homogeneity degree of the priorities of the parties and political leaders in the analysis of documents and media, in the analysis of the content with the order of priorities in the Palestinian and Israeli mindset. The statistical results have particularly shown a strong reciprocal correlation between the angles of this triangle. The relationship boosts wrong inherited notions and beliefs, which necessitates their eradication and adoption of new strategies on the part of political stakeholders. In that case, the media will publish them in a positive way that serves the peace process and bring the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to an end. Finally, on the basis of the results and conclusions of this dissertation a model was developed that illustrated how these interactions frame realities into new realities that let the peace process sink even more day by day.

The ever-increasing use of the internet by terrorist groups as a platform for the dissemination of radical, violent ideologies is well documented. The internet has, in this way, become a breeding ground for potential lone-wolf terrorists; that is, individuals who commit acts of terror inspired by the ideological rhetoric emitted by terrorist organizations. These individuals are characterized by their lack of formal affiliation with terror organizations, making them difficult to intercept with traditional intelligence techniques. The radicalization of individuals on the internet poses a considerable threat to law enforcement and national security officials. This new medium of radicalization, however, also presents new opportunities for the interdiction of lone wolf terrorism. This dissertation is an account of the development and evaluation of an information technology (IT) framework for detecting potentially radicalized individuals on social media sites and Web fora. Unifying Collective Action Framing Theory (CAFT) and a radicalization model of lone wolf terrorism, this dissertation analyzes a corpus of propaganda documents produced by several, radically different, terror organizations. This analysis provides the building blocks to define a knowledge model of terrorist ideological framing that is implemented as a Semantic Web Ontology. Using several techniques for ontology guided information extraction, the resultant ontology can be accurately processed from textual data sources. This dissertation subsequently defines several techniques that leverage the populated ontological representation for automatically identifying individuals who are potentially radicalized to one or more terrorist ideologies based on their postings on social media and other Web fora. The dissertation also discusses how the ontology can be queried using intuitive structured query languages to infer triggering events in the news. The prototype system is evaluated in the context of classification and is shown to provide state of the art results. The main outputs of this research are (1) an ontological model of terrorist ideologies (2) an information extraction framework capable of identifying and extracting terrorist ideologies from text, (3) a classification methodology for classifying Web content as resonating the ideology of one or more terrorist groups and (4) a methodology for rapidly identifying news content of relevance to one or more terrorist groups.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka hur jämställdheten mellan kvinnor och män ter sig i svensk och finsk public service-tv. För att komma fram till våra resultat har vi gjort en kvantitativ och kvalitativ analys av  nyhetsinslag från SVT och YLE. Våra frågeställningar handlade om hur många män och kvinnor som syns i nyhetsinslagen, hur de framställs och om det finns “manliga” eller “kvinnliga” ämnen. I vår analys har vi använt oss av genusteori, dagordningsteori och gestaltningsteori. Vi kom fram till att fler män än kvinnor kom fram på både SVT och YLE och att det fanns ämnen som var mer “kvinnliga” och “manliga”. Det kom även fram fler kvinnor på YLE än SVT. Vi har dragit slutsatsen att det fortfarande inte är jämställt. / The purpose of this study was to analyze how the gender equality gets represented in swedish and finnish public service television. To discover this we have done a quantitative and a qualitative analysis of news reports from SVT and YLE. Our research questions were about how many men and women are shown in the news reports, how they are portrayed and if there are “male” and “female” news topics. In our analysis we have used gender theory, agenda setting theory and framing theory. We found out that there are more men than women shown in both SVT and YLE and that there were tendencies of “male” and “female” news topics. There were also more women in YLE than SVT. We’ve come to the conclusion that it’s still not equal.

The aim of this bachelor study was to examine and analyze if there were any difference in how Dagens Nyheter framed sexual crimes before and after the metoo movements peak in 2017. Framing theory was used to categorize different frames in the reporting of sexual crimes in the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The research question was: which frames are the most common in Dagens Nyheters framing of sexual crimes and how common are these frames? Is there any difference in what frames appear in Dagens Nyheter before and after the metoo movements peak in 2017?  With a quantitative content analysis I could examine how often the frames were used by Dagens Nyheter and if it was any different after the metoo movements peak in 2017. A total of 869 articles were analyzed. 240 articles in 2014, 322 articles in 2017 and 307 articles in 2020. By using framing theory, ten frames were identified. “police report and legal process”, “sexual offenses linked to religion”, “sexual offenses as a societal problem”, “sexual offense legislation and criticism”, “men with power”, “fact about sexual offenses”, “sexual offenses as a metaphor”, “victim of sexual offenses”, “accused of sexual offenses” and “other”.  The result of the examine showed that the most used frame was “police report and legal process”. In the period of 2014 the second most used frame was “sexual offense legislation and criticism”. In the period of 2017 the second most used frame was “victim of sexual offenses” and in the period of 2020 the second most used frame was “sexual offenses as a societal problem”. The biggest difference before and after metoo movement that were found was the frame “accused of sexual offenses”. In 2014 it was not found at all while in 2020 it was one of the more common frames.

Since Greta Thunberg started her environmental school strike in August 2018 she has become a world famous activist and has been portrayed in news media everywhere. The aim of this bachelor study has been to examine how Greta Thunberg has been portrayed in the Swedish news media through examining two daily press newspapers and two evening press newspapers. This resulted in analyzing articles in Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. By using a qualitative and a quantitative content analysis we investigated three different events connected to Greta Thunberg through published articles. During 2018 the event that started her journey, which is the school strike, was selected as one of these happenings. During 2019 we chose her UN- speech in New York, and for the last event her speech at the World Economic Forum's Annual Meeting in Davos was chosen. By choosing these specific events we could build a perception of what the media's portrayal of Greta Thunberg has been like during these three years. Therefore this study also aimed to answer the following research questions: - How has Greta Thunberg been portrayed in the daily press and the evening press? - Has the portrayal of Greta Thunberg changed over time? In this study we used the Framing Theory and also the protest paradigms as guidelines and we also applied von Zabern & Tulloch (2020) and Bergmann & Ossewaardes (2020) different frames. This study then led to an identification of a new framing of Greta Thunberg which we named “Speaking without speaking”, mostly consisting of what politicians and celebrities are saying about Greta Thunberg in the press. We also found that by examining these specific events that Greta Thunberg has been portrayed in different ways. Therefore we could also conclude that the framings and portrayals of Greta Thunberg changed throughout time. This means that she went from being portrayed as a young girl skipping school for the climate, to a world famous environmental activist and finally becoming a trustworthy leader. Therefore our study shows that Greta Thunberg was being undermined due to her young age in the ibeginning, but as her status grew the media changed their portrayal of her into the role model that she has become today.

The paper discusses how strategic nuclear capabilities possessed by the world’s largest nuclear powers, the United States and Russia, affect how their state leadership makes sense of the role of military force in international politics. Using the theoretical framework of the theory of nuclear revolution (Jervis 1989) and nuclear realism (van Munster &amp; Sylvest 2016), the author parses the ways in which the role of military force is framed in U.S. and Russian nuclear policy discourses in 2017-2020. For this purpose, the method of frame analysis is applied that draws on the writings of Goffman (1986) and van Hulst &amp; Yanow (2016). The paper concludes that both in Russia and the United States, the understanding of nuclear weapons is symbolic. In other words, policymakers agree upon the fact that nuclear war cannot be fought or won. However, while Moscow distinguishes between nuclear and non-nuclear military capabilities as instruments of diplomacy and coercion, the distinction is absent in Washington’s discourse, whereby nuclear weapons are considered but one aspect of state military might. In both states’ discourses, nuclear weapons have a connection to state identity, which is particularly pronounced in the case of Russia. Finally, U.S. policymakers talk about nuclear weapons “from a position of strength”, whereas Russian state leadership appeals to its nuclear capabilities to boost its international influence and reinforce its great power status. / <p>Grade: VG</p>