Esta pesquisa tem como objeto o torcedor de futebol comum, analisando o que leva um indivíduo a torcer e o que, nessa prática, pode levá-lo à alienação e à violência. Nossos principais referenciais teóricos são a Escola de Frankfurt e a teoria freudiana. Estudamos o futebol sob o aspecto de sua apropriação pela indústria cultural e o torcedor como parte das massas estudadas por Freud (1921/1974a) em Psicologia de grupo e análise do ego e posteriormente pelos frankfurtianos. Dezesseis torcedores de diferentes times foram entrevistados. Formaram dois grupos de oito sujeitos, com base no processo de escolarização: um grupo de torcedores que têm até o ensino fundamental completo e outro de torcedores com ensino médio completo. Os resultados demonstraram certa devoção ao time nos dois grupos, bem como alienação e tendência à barbárie e ao preconceito. Isso ficou mais visível no grupo dos mais escolarizados, o que indica que a educação de hoje pode favorecer esse tipo de atitude. / The object of this research is the regular football supporter, analyzing what drives a person to cheer and what in this practice can lead to alienation and violence. Our main theory references are the Frankfurt School and the Freudian theory. We have studied the football in its appropriation by the cultural industry and the supporter as part of the masses studied by Freud (1921/1974a) in Group psychology and analysis of the ego and subsequently by the frankfurtians. Sixteen supporters of different Brazilian teams were interviewed. They were divided in two groups of eight subjects according to their education level: one group of supporters with low education level and another group with middle education level. The results have shown a certain devotion to the team in both groups as well as alienation and a tendency to barbarity and prejudice. This was more visible on the group with higher education level, what means that nowadays education can promote this kind of attitude.

A tese debruça-se sobre a obra de Herbert Marcuse, em especial aquela produzida nos anos 1950, 1960 e 1970, em uma tentativa de atualização de suas teorias para o presente. Tendo escrito boa parte de seus livros mais amplamente discutidos em um contexto de pacto de classes, trabalho fordista, Estado keynesiano, e inserido em um período relativamente prolongado e estável de crescimento do capitalismo (os assim chamados trinta anos gloriosos), em que as evidências de manifestações políticas e lutas de classes eram menos evidentes quando comparadas com momentos anteriores de efervescência política nos séculos XIX e XX, suas conclusões teóricas a respeito da integração da classe trabalhadora e da sociedade unidimensional teriam sido impregnadas dos fundamentos sócio-históricos que a embasavam. A ideia é contrastar e comparar tais conclusões com nosso presente histórico, tendo em vista as quatro décadas e meia de expansão neoliberal pelo globo, levando em consideração os fenômenos de precarização laboral e da vida disseminados por ela. Busca-se, com isso, apontar as continuidades e rupturas da teoria de Marcuse para o século XXI. / This dissertation examines the works of Herbert Marcuse, especially those written in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, and constitutes an attempt to update his theories to our present. Having written much of his more widely discussed books in a context of class compromise, Fordist labor, Keynesian state, and embedded in a prolonged period of relatively stable capitalist growth (the so-called \"thirty glorious years\"), in which the evidence of political manifestations and class struggles was less evident when compared with earlier moments of political effervescence in the 19th and 20th centuries, his theoretical conclusions referring to the integration of the working class and one-dimensional society would have been impregnated with the socio-historical foundations that supported it. The idea is to contrast and compare these conclusions with our historical present, considering the four and a half decades of neoliberal expansion across the globe, taking into account the phenomena of labor and life precarization disseminated through this expansion. The dissertation seeks thus to point out the continuities and ruptures of Marcuse\'s theory for the twenty-first century.

Este trabalho discute a possibilidade de a educação transformar algo de decisivo em relação à barbárie, baseado na tese de que desbarbarizar se tornou a tarefa mais urgente da educação. O conceito de barbárie é entendido como violência em sua dimensão histórico-natural e subjetiva. O trabalho aborda as facetas da barbárie em seu desenvolvimento social, por sua influência sobre o psiquismo, principalmente a partir do capitalismo, abrindo caminho para algumas reflexões no campo da educação e da psicologia, principalmente no esclarecimento sobre os mecanismos inconscientes que determinam o comportamento. Baseado nas teorias de Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno e Sigmund Freud, discute a possibilidade de informações conscientes superarem ou amenizarem as manifestações imediatas de violência, mesmo sob as poderosas influências inconscientes em uma civilização irracional, que tenha intensificado o seu mal-estar. / This work discusses the possibility of the Education to have a relevant role in the fight against the barbarism, based in the hypothesis that to civilize has become the most urgent task of the Education. The concept of barbarism is that of the violence in its natural-historic and subjective dimensions. The present work studies the characteristics of the social development of barbarism, particularly since the advent of the capitalism, making possible some reflections in the fields of Education and Psychology, especially about the unconscious mechanisms that determine the human behavior. Based in the theories of Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno and Sigmund Freud, this work discusses the possibility of conscious information to overcome or at least to soothe the manifestations of violence, even in an irrational civilization like ours, prey of powerful influences from the unconscious.

A presente tese refere-se à pesquisa teórica acerca das principais obras de autores da corrente de interpretação marxista clássica do trabalho e da teoria social em saúde. Nesse sentido, os elementos centrais dessa corrente são abordados com referência a bibliografia de autores dos contextos intelectuais, francês e italiano. Depreende-se da pesquisa que a incorporação de outros meios intelectuais possibilitou o desenvolvimento de uma teoria social em saúde original a partir de associações pluriparadigmáticas de teorias críticas de modernidade, na qual as contradições oriundas do domínio racional da natureza corpórea e seu meio na sociabilidade capitalista são elemento centrais do processo social de medicalização e mercantilização. A hipótese interpretativa desenvolvida aponta que duas principais teses da Escola de Frankfurt, a crítica ao progresso de Walter Benjamim e a crítica a racionalidade técnica instrumental de Adorno e Horkheimer, são basilares na elaboração da teoria social em saúde constituidora do campo interdisciplinar da saúde coletiva. Na perspectiva de balanço crítico da interpretação marxista, destacamos a transição analítica da prática médica à teoria do processo de trabalho em saúde com identificação de contribuições e limites para a apreensão do trabalho das ocupações em saúde no processo contemporâneo de complexificação do trabalho e da relação social em saúde. / The present thesis refers to the theoretical research about the main works of authors of the current of classic Marxist interpretation of work and social theory in health. In this sense, the central elements of this chain are approached with reference to the bibliography of authors from the intellectual contexts, French and Italian. It follows from the research that the incorporation of other intellectual means enabled the development of an original health social theory from pluriparadigmatic associations of critical theories of modernity, in which the contradictions stemming from the rational domain of corporeal nature and its environment in capitalist sociability are central elements of the social process of medicalization and commodification. The interpretative hypothesis developed suggests that two main theses of the Frankfurt School, the criticism of Walter Benjamim\'s progress and the critique of instrumental technical rationality of Adorno and Horkheimer, are fundamental in the elaboration of the social health theory that constitutes the interdisciplinary field of collective health. From the perspective of a critical balance of Marxist interpretation, we highlight the analytical transition from medical practice to the theory of the health work process with the identification of contributions and limits for the apprehension of the work of occupations in health in the contemporary process of work and social relationship in health.

This study examines the responses of European intellectuals since the 1880s to an increasingly virulent and organized anti-Semitism in Europe, and the ways in which they sought to understand the character and origins of the hatred, and to fathom and work out the problems, terms and possibilities for Jewish identity. Focusing on the French figures Bernard Lazare and Marcel Proust from the time of the Dreyfus Affair and then on the Frankfurt School of social theory and Hannah Arendt from the period around and after the Second World War, the thesis argues that these thinkers created a common historical-psychological discourse on anti-Semitism, which attempted to confront, comprehend and explain the historically critical issues of anti-Semitism and Jewish identity. The study explores the discourse’s fundamental assumptions, insights, and arguments regarding the origins, character, and magnitude of anti-Semitism. It also analyzes its contentions concerning the contradictions, sources, and alternatives for Jewish identity. But, more, it claims that, despite their frequent perceptiveness, these figures’ interpretations of the two concerns proved limited, deficient, even deeply flawed. The thesis seeks to show that its intellectuals’ attempt to understand the twin issues was hence a failure to grasp and interpret them adequately, and to resolve them. It contends further that what impaired the authors’ engagements with anti-Semitism and Jewish selfhood were ideas that were fundamental to their thinking. These intellectual factors, moreover, connected the figures solidly to important historical contexts that they inhabited, thereby implicating the significant settings in the epistemological errors and defeats. These momentous ideas thus operated as both contextualizing and destructive forces—linking the intellectuals to their home contexts and transforming their understanding of their historic problematic into a misunderstanding. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2009-04-16 08:34:25.821

Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

Theodor Adorno’s view of Arnold Schoenberg can be seen in light of his criticism of Immanuel Kant. Critiquing Kant’s concept of Enlightenment and his dualist philosophy, Adorno also critiques common misconceptions about Kant's work in bourgeois society. Similarly, in Schoenberg's oeuvre Adorno finds radical musical creation but also a reversion to formulaic composition in its reception by Richard Hill among others. In both Kant and Schoenberg, Adorno identifies a tripartite movement: (1) A radical work (philosophical or musical) is created by a member of bourgeois society. (2) The work adopts the function of a societal critique. (3) However, bourgeois society is incapable of understanding the work as critique and erases its radical nature. Seen in light of Adorno's thought, the thesis explores the transactional nature of idea production and reception in society.

Dans la philosophie existentialiste de Sartre, l’existence précède l’essence. C’est-à-dire que c’est la réalité humaine vécue qui définit l’homme, et non une essence abstraite qui précèderait l’existence. L’essence de la vie humaine ne serait donc pas à la portée de la philosophie, qui voudrait établir une essence qui transcenderait la réalité humaine. Pour Sartre, cette tentative d’établir une essence est vaine. L’homme n’est pas simplement, mais a à être. Sartre entrevoit dans cette exigence la seule vraie possibilité de la liberté : la liberté c’est précisément le néant qui est au cœur de l’homme et qui contraint la réalité humaine à se faire au lieu d’être. Cette notion de la liberté absolue de l’homme est très forte et a évidemment suscité la critique. Sartre s’est attiré notamment la désapprobation des penseurs de l’École de Francfort. Ils lui reprochent de ne pas rendre justice aux déterminations spécifiques qu’impose le contexte historique, social et matériel. Sa notion de liberté viendrait dissocier l’horizon des possibilités des processus qui les fixent et, du coup le mène à cautionner tacitement le statut quo, en empêchant la liberté de servir de critère pour critiquer la domination existante. Une philosophie existentialiste reste-t-elle possible par-delà cette critique? La croyance en le caractère absurde de la vie humaine et l’exigence à se faire pour donner un sens à l’existence peuvent-elles tenir sans postuler la liberté absolue? Ou bien cette liberté doit-elle nécessairement être circonscrite par une théorie sociale critique, sans quoi l’existentialisme colportera clandestinement le maintien du statu quo? / n Sartre’s existentialist philosophy existence precedes essence. This means that it is the life being lived that defines man, and not an abstract essence that precedes him. The essence of human life is thus not reachable with a philosophy that would want to posit an essence that transcends human reality. Sartre considers this attempt to establish an essence vain. Man is not simply, but rather has to be. Sartre sees in this the only true possibility for liberty: liberty is precisely the nothingness that is at the heart of man and compels the human reality to make itself instead of just being. This notion of absolute liberty for man is a strong one and has indeed been criticized. Among critics, Sartre met with the disapproval of the thinkers of Frankfurt School. They accused him of not seeing the specific determinations that the historical, social and material world imposes on man. His notion of liberty dissociates the horizon of possibilities from the processes that establish them, which make him tacitly encourage the status quo, because he prevents liberty from being used as a criterion to criticize the existing domination. Is an existentialist philosophy still possible beyond this critic? Can the belief in the absurd nature of human life and in the necessity of making oneself to give sense to existence still hold without postulating absolute liberty? Or must liberty necessarily be circumscribed by a critical social theory, without which existentialism will clandestinely encourage the status quo?

Nous proposons dans ce travail une interprétation de la référence à la psychanalyse chez Adorno et Horkheimer, en partant de son usage dans un champ inattendu, quoique central : la critique de la rationalité. Adorno et Horkheimer affirment, notamment dans la Dialectique de la raison, que la raison, concept à la fois central et structurant pour la société moderne capitaliste, entre en conflit avec elle-même jusqu'à son autodestruction, qui doit être comprise comme passage dans la folie. Nous entendons soutenir que cette affirmation peut être comprise de manière non-métaphorique par le recours à la psychanalyse, à partir d’une double lecture de leurs écrits, à la fois génétique et micrologique. Nous situons la genèse du croisement entre psychanalyse et critique de la rationalité dans leurs premiers travaux, au moment de traiter du rapport entre psychologie et théorie de la connaissance, d’abord dans une perspective philosophique néokantienne, puis dans le cadre du programme de recherches interdisciplinaires des années trente. Ce croisement précoce conduit Adorno et Horkheimer à s’intéresser tant à la part inconsciente qui travaille les processus de connaissance, qu’à la logique des phénomènes apparemment les plus irrationnels. Nous réinterprétons ainsi les travaux des années trente et quarante comme la mise au jour d’une conjonction de formes spécifiques de rationalisation sociale avec la montée de phénomènes sociaux particulièrement irrationnels, notamment liés à l’émergence du fascisme. Cette conjonction mène alors à la thématisation psychanalytique de l’autodestruction de la raison. Notre thèse est que la mise au jour de ce paradigme critique singulier – qui associe approche psychanalytique, critique de la raison et théorie de la connaissance – révèle de façon cohérente et globale la fonction attribuée à la psychanalyse par ces auteurs : rendre compte de la déraison comme effet de la logique contradictoire que la société moderne capitaliste établit entre nature et histoire. Nous pouvons ainsi conclure notre travail en analysant à quelle condition une théorie de la connaissance dialectique et critique est susceptible de ne pas reconduire l’écueil que la psychanalyse a permis d’identifier au niveau social, à savoir la réduction du rapport entre histoire et nature à un rapport de domination. Nous entendons ainsi montrer les potentialités critiques de ce paradigme dans le cadre des débats contemporains sur les pathologies de la raison. / In this study, we will propose an interpretation of the psychoanalytic references in the works of Adorno and Horkheimer, by starting from the way they are used in an unexpected, and yet central, field: the critique of rationality. Especially in Dialectics of Enlightenment, Adorno and Horkheimer affirm that reason, a concept that is both central and structuring to the modern capitalist society, comes into conflit with itself to the point of its self-destruction, which should be understood as a passage to madness. We intend to defend that this affirmation can be understood, by having recourse to psychoanalysis, in a non-metaphorical manner, starting from a double reading, both genetic and micrologic, of their writings. We situate the genesis of the intersection between psychoanalysis and the critique of rationality in their early works, when they were dealing with the relationship between psychology and the theory of knowledge, at first in a neo-Kantian perspective, then within the framework of the program of interdisciplinary research in the thirties. This precocious intersection led them to become interested as much in the unconscious part which works through the process of knowledge, as in the logic of phenomena which are apparently the most irrational. We therefore interpret their works from the thirties and forties as the unveiling of a conjunction of specific forms of social rationalization with the rising of particularly irrational phenomena, especially related to the emergence of fascism. This conjunction then leads to the psychoanalytical thematisation of reason’s self destruction. Our thesis is that by disclosing this singular critical paradigm – which links together the psychoanalytical approach, the critique of reason, and the theory of knowledge – the function attributed to psychoanalysis by these authors can be revealed in a global and coherent fashion: accounting for unreason as an effect of the contradictory logic that the modern capitalist society establishes between nature and history. We can therefore conclude our work by analyzing on what condition a dialectical and critical theory of knowledge is likely to avoid the pitfall that psychoanalysis has allowed to identify at the social level, i.e. the reduction of the relation between history and nature to a relation of domination. In this way, the critical potentials of this paradigm within the framework of contemporary debates on the pathologies of reason can be brought to light.

This work attempts to confront certain political problems created by the individualistic bias in psychoanalytic thinking, and the resulting failure to adequately theorise the importance of social processes. The thesis traces the origins of intrapsychic thinking to Freud's initial move from the seduction theory to the Oedipal theory. This development is offered as a prototype for the debates between conceptualisations of childhood traumatisation as a social problem of actual abuse occurring within dermed power relations, and theories which locate pathology purely within internal conflicts occurring inside the individual. Several criticisms of this shift are offered, and it s impact on later theory is considered. Here a contrast is offered between the theoretical approaches of Melanie Klein and Donald Winnicott, arguing for the usefulness of Winnicott's emphasis on environmental factors within psychodynamic theory. The impact of these theoretical approaches is illustrated through a critical evaluation of Freud's case study of Judge Schreber. Additional historical material is brought in to show the importance of environmental considerations ignored by Freud, and contrasting psychodynamic readings of the case are offered. As an alternative to purely intrapsychic approaches, a reinterpretation of certain strands of Critical Theory is then presented. Adorno's theory of the Authoritarian Personality and Marcuse' s concept of One-Dimensional Man are extended using Winnicott's formulations concerning psychological development. This leads to an examination of the question of the relationship between social structure and individual consciousness. Post-structuralist accounts of language and the construction of identity are explored. These are then developed drawing on theories of ideology, language and consciousness, integrating these with Winnicott's developmental theory to offer an alternative psychodynamic understanding of the relationship between social process and psychopathology. An attempt is made to reformulate - the notions of consciousness and the unconscious in terms of the possibilities and difficulties of representation within available social symbolic codes. In conclusion the it is argued that psychology needs to integrate critical social theory and contemporary understandings of the social construction of consciousness in order to become a meaning force in positive social transformation.