Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the regional arm of the United Nations in Africa, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) is faced with the challenge of conforming to the broader agenda of its mother body while it simultaneously strives to be seen to devise solutions that are unique to Africa's development needs. This means that the ECA needs to find a way of striking a balance between the demands of international development trends and the viability of such trends for Africa. The United Nations, similarly to other influential multilateral institutions like the World Bank, has moved into the 21st century with the 'partnerships approach' to development. The central idea behind these partnerships is that of promoting active participation between the state, the private sector and civil society in contributing towards development. What this means, therefore, is that development is no longer viewed as the sole responsibility of the state, but rather calls for a closer working relationship between these three sectors. Given the fact that these sectors are at different levels of development in many African countries, with some countries not even having an active civil society, private sector or even a strong state, the ECA has to make sense of what exactly partnerships mean for Africa. This study is based on an understanding that if the ECA wishes to have an impact on the African continent, it will have to engage its Member States in order to develop a common idea and approach to the conceptualisation and implementation of partnerships in Africa. In light of this background, this study focuses on South Africa as a Member State of the ECA and one of a few countries that have a strong civil society and developed private sector. What is also significant about South Africa is the fact that a number of significant initiatives that involve both state and non-state actors have been evident in the period since the first democratic elections of 1994, thus allowing for an informed response from representatives of the different sectors. A South African response has thus been compiled from the six interviews that were conducted, two with representatives from each of the three sectors. Following from the responses, the study makes recommendations as to how the ECA can playa leading role in promoting partnerships in Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigde Nasies se Ekonomiese Kommissie vir Afrika (EKA), 'n streeksvertakking van die Verenigde Nasies in Afrika, staan gedurig voor die uitdaging om te konformeer met die breër agenda van die moederorganisasie, maar streef terselfdertyd daarna om spesifieke antwoorde te vind vir Afrika se unieke ontwikkelingsbehoeftes. Dit beteken dat die EKA 'n middeweg tussen die eise van internasionale ontwikkelingstendense en die toepaslikheid daarvan in Afrika moet vind. Net soos die Wêreldbank en ander invloedryke internasionale instansies, is die Verenigde Nasies se benadering tot ontwikkeling in die een en twintigste eeu geskoei op 'n vennootskapsbasis. Die onderliggende oogmerk van dié benadering is die aanmoediging van aktiewe bydraes tot ontwikkeling deur die staat, privaatsektor en burgerlike samelewing. Derhalwe beteken dit dat ontwikkeling nie meer gesien word as die uitsluitlike verantwoordelikheid van die staat nie, maar eerder as 'n funksie van samewerking tussen die drie bogenoemde sektore. Aangesien baie Afrika state hulself op verskillende vlakke van ontwikkeling bevind, tesame met die feit dat sommige nie oor 'n aktiewe burgerlike samelewing, private sektor, of selfs 'n sterk staat beskik nie, is dit die taak van die EKA om gestalte te gee aan die konsep van 'vennootskappe' binne 'n Afrika konteks. Hierdie studie gaan uit vanaf die standpunt dat die EKA alleenlik 'n impak sal hê as lidstate betrek word om 'n gemeenskaplike verstandhouding en benadering tot die konsepsualisering en implimentering van vennootskappe in Afrika te ontwikkel. In die lig van bogenoemde, fokus die studie op Suid-Afrika, as EKA lidstaat en een van 'n paar Afrika state met 'n sterk burgerlike samelewing en goed ontwikkelde privaatsektor. 'n Verdere belangrike dimensie in die geval van Suid-Afrika, is die aantal belangrike inisiatiewe wat gesamentlik tussen staats- en nie-staatsinstansies sedert 1994 aangepak is. Hierdie inisiatiewe het verseker dat verteenwoordigers van alle sektore 'n ingeligte benadering tot besluite rakende die ontwikkeling van die streek kon volg. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie projek is ses onderhoude gevoer - twee per sektor - ten einde 'n beter begrip te kry van die land se benadering tot vennootskappe in diens van ontwikkeling. As 'n uitvloeisel van hierdie studie, word 'n aantal aanbevelings gemaak oor hoe die EKA 'n leidende rol kan speel in die aanmoediging van vennootskappe in Afrika.

In early Victorian England, the new philosophy of social democracy challenged the bourgeois creed of laissezfaire. An important aspect of this struggle, which historians have neglected, is the campaign (1831-1853) for a shorter and regulated factory workday. This study concludes that during the Parliamentary debates on factory legislation, Britain's leaders, regardless of party affiliation, decided that the Government, indeed, had an obligation to assist the victims of social and economic injustice, a decision which meant the end of laissez-faire.

A Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988, primeiro texto constitucional após o regime militar no país, é um texto plural, pleno de significados e ambivalências, resultado de um esforço na busca de consensos em uma assembleia constituinte heterogênea num país democraticamente jovem. A abrangência de significados da Magna Carta precisa, portanto, a fim de ser aplicada às realidades também plurais e heterogêneas de um país enorme como o Brasil, ser interpretada à luz dessas mesmas realidades, sempre situadas e datadas. Nesse diapasão, a dedução dogmática da esfera legítima da atuação estatal no domínio econômico só pode ser apreendida através da técnica ponderativa, levando em conta o fato da constituição econômica encravada no texto da Lei Maior estabelecer como regra o desenvolvimento da atividade econômica pela livre iniciativa da sociedade. Sob o signo da emancipação da sociedade e da liberdade de empreender por um lado, e da obrigação do Estado garantir as condições da liberdade e do posicionamento estratégico do Brasil no cenário geopolítico e econômico mundial de outro, serão relidas as modalidades interventivas estatais como a prestação de serviços públicos, as atuações monopolistas e em regime de concorrência com a iniciativa privada, produzindo um quadro com as condições que justifiquem a presença do Estado na economia, servindo de guia dinâmico para a elucidação das fronteiras sempre contingentes entre as esferas pública e privada no domínio econômico. / The Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, first constitutional text after the military regime in the country, is a plural text, full of meanings and ambivalences, as the result of an effort for consensus in a heterogeneous constitutional parliament in a democratically young country. The abrangency of meanings of the Chart need, thus, in order to be applied to the also plural and heterogeneous realities of an enormous country such Brazil, to be interpreted in light of these very realities, always situated and dated. In consonance, the dogmatic deduction of the legitimate sphere of state actuation in the economic dominium can only be apprehended through the balancing technique, taking into account the fact that the economic constitution embedded in the constitutional text stipulates, as the rule, the development of economic activity by the private free initiative. Under the sign of emancipation of society and free enterprise on the one hand, and of the States obligations to ensure conditions of freedom, economic development and strategic positioning of Brazil in the geopolitical and economic world on the other, should be considered the state interventives modalities such as public services, monopolist actuation and in concurrence with private initiative, composing a frame with the conditions that legitimate the state presence in the economy, serving as a dynamic guide for the elucidation of the frontiers, always contingent, between the public and private spheres in the economic dominium.

A Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988, primeiro texto constitucional após o regime militar no país, é um texto plural, pleno de significados e ambivalências, resultado de um esforço na busca de consensos em uma assembleia constituinte heterogênea num país democraticamente jovem. A abrangência de significados da Magna Carta precisa, portanto, a fim de ser aplicada às realidades também plurais e heterogêneas de um país enorme como o Brasil, ser interpretada à luz dessas mesmas realidades, sempre situadas e datadas. Nesse diapasão, a dedução dogmática da esfera legítima da atuação estatal no domínio econômico só pode ser apreendida através da técnica ponderativa, levando em conta o fato da constituição econômica encravada no texto da Lei Maior estabelecer como regra o desenvolvimento da atividade econômica pela livre iniciativa da sociedade. Sob o signo da emancipação da sociedade e da liberdade de empreender por um lado, e da obrigação do Estado garantir as condições da liberdade e do posicionamento estratégico do Brasil no cenário geopolítico e econômico mundial de outro, serão relidas as modalidades interventivas estatais como a prestação de serviços públicos, as atuações monopolistas e em regime de concorrência com a iniciativa privada, produzindo um quadro com as condições que justifiquem a presença do Estado na economia, servindo de guia dinâmico para a elucidação das fronteiras sempre contingentes entre as esferas pública e privada no domínio econômico. / The Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, first constitutional text after the military regime in the country, is a plural text, full of meanings and ambivalences, as the result of an effort for consensus in a heterogeneous constitutional parliament in a democratically young country. The abrangency of meanings of the Chart need, thus, in order to be applied to the also plural and heterogeneous realities of an enormous country such Brazil, to be interpreted in light of these very realities, always situated and dated. In consonance, the dogmatic deduction of the legitimate sphere of state actuation in the economic dominium can only be apprehended through the balancing technique, taking into account the fact that the economic constitution embedded in the constitutional text stipulates, as the rule, the development of economic activity by the private free initiative. Under the sign of emancipation of society and free enterprise on the one hand, and of the States obligations to ensure conditions of freedom, economic development and strategic positioning of Brazil in the geopolitical and economic world on the other, should be considered the state interventives modalities such as public services, monopolist actuation and in concurrence with private initiative, composing a frame with the conditions that legitimate the state presence in the economy, serving as a dynamic guide for the elucidation of the frontiers, always contingent, between the public and private spheres in the economic dominium.

No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marily Diniz do Amaral Chaves.pdf: 843520 bytes, checksum: 04846d2043e489690d779db526550596 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-05-18 / This dissertation aims to outline the constitutional system of supplementary health. To achieve this, we approach the social right to health in the context of the Social State, in a perspective of evolution of the fundamental rights. Health services and actions, despite being an obligation of the State, have been granted to private initiative, which participates either complementing SUS (the Brazilian Public Health System), or by means of profit obtention. In light of this, it was necessary to solve the collision between the principles of Social State and free enterprise, by means of the consideration guided by the principle of dignity of the human person. This is the reason why we examined the efficacy of this principle in relation to the right to health, both in the scope of the Public Sector and regarding supplementary health. Having analyzed public and private health systems, and observing the efficacy of fundamental rights and the binding of the Public Power and also of private initiative to those rights, we outlined, in this dissertation, the juridical system of supplementary health / Esta tese propõe-se a delinear o regime constitucional da saúde suplementar. Para tanto, abordamos o direito social à saúde no contexto do Estado Social, em uma perspectiva de evolução dos direitos fundamentais. As ações e serviços de saúde, embora sejam obrigação do Estado, foram deferidas à iniciativa privada, que participa tanto de forma complementar ao SUS, quanto mediante a obtenção de lucro. Diante dessa constatação, fez-se necessário dirimir a colisão entre o princípio do Estado Social e o da livre iniciativa, por meio da ponderação norteada pelo princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, motivo pelo qual foi examinada a eficácia desse princípio em relação ao direito à saúde, tanto no âmbito do Setor Público como no tocante à saúde suplementar. Tendo analisado os sistemas de saúde públicos e privados e atentando para a eficácia dos direitos fundamentais e para a vinculação tanto do Poder Público como dos particulares a tais direitos, delineamos o regime jurídico da saúde suplementar

L’examen des conceptions exposées par certains représentants politiques et institutionnels conservateurs influents dans le Colorado suite aux élections de mi-mandat en 2006 révèle l’existence d’une rhétorique fondée sur la juxtaposition de deux thèmes fondateurs : les vertus de l’économie de marché et les enseignements de la tradition, auxquels s’ajoute l’adhésion à une politique de défense vigoureuse. En réalité, cette triple thématique constitue l’essence même du discours façonné par William F. Buckley Jr. et Frank S. Meyer dans le magazine National Review à partir de 1955. Buckley et Meyer procédèrent, en effet, au renouvellement de la philosophie conservatrice par la fusion du libéralisme classique et du traditionalisme tels que ces deux courants de pensée apparurent isolément aux Etats-Unis à la fin de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale en réaction au communisme et au New Deal.L’existence d’un discours fusionniste dans le Colorado soulève des interrogations sur la validité de deux théories connexes qui animent méthodologiquement l’interprétation de l’évolution du conservatisme américain. La première théorie voit dans le message conservateur fusionniste des incohérences philosophiques et programmatiques qui annoncent l’atomisation des composantes théoriques de ce message et, consécutivement, aussi bien la disparition du conservatisme sous sa forme actuelle que la recomposition, à terme, des appartenances partisanes aux Etats-Unis. La deuxième théorie soutient que ces incompatibilités et ces risques de fracture se manifestent géographiquement à travers une opposition politico-culturelle entre le conservatisme de l’Ouest non-côtier, auquel l’analyse prête des caractéristiques individualistes, et celui du Sud, décrit comme fidèle à des valeurs traditionnelles et religieuses perçues comme une entrave aux aspirations individualistes.L’objectif de cette étude est de vérifier l’hypothèse de cette dichotomie philosophique et régionale et porte sur l’Arizona et le Colorado, les deux Etats les plus représentatifs de l’Ouest non-côtier. / Comments made by some of Colorado’s most influential conservative leaders in the wake of the 2006 mid-term elections reveal the extent to which the type of conservatism that they advocate rests on three basic principles: free enterprise, tradition, and strong national defense. It turns out that this brand of conservatism coincides with the political philosophy which William F. Buckley Jr. and Frank S. Meyer sought to formulate in National Review starting in 1955 when the magazine was first published. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Buckley and Meyer actually set out to modernize intellectual conservatism by fusing together into a coherent doctrine the principles of classical liberalism and traditionalism that separately emerged in the United States at the end of World War Two in reaction to international communism and the New Deal. The manifestation of “fusionist” conservatism in Colorado in 2006 raises serious questions about the validity of two interrelated theories which methodologically steer studies of modern conservatism in the United States. The first theory holds that American conservatism in its current expression is philosophically incoherent and will ultimately disintegrate paving the way for a major partisan realignment. The second theory contends that such internal tensions are reflected in sectional cultural and political discrepancies between the Interior West, typically described as libertarian, and the South, generally seen as solidly clinging to traditional and religious values which are purportedly at odds with more individualistic aspirations. The purpose of this study is to test the hypothesis of philosophical and sectional strains within American conservatism and focuses on Arizona and Colorado, two of the fastest-growing states in the Interior West since the end of World War Two.

Le but de cette recherche doctorale est de mettre au jour une conception spécifique du libéralisme au XIXè siècle qui rendait possible la cohabitation des exigences libérales de respect de l’individu et de ses droits ainsi que des exigences nationales de vie en communauté et d’identité. Partant du principe que de nombreux auteurs ne considéraient pas que le concept de nationalité entrait en contradiction avec les valeurs libérales à cette époque, nous estimons qu’Alexis de Tocqueville, ainsi que John Stuart Mill, proposent la forme la plus cohérente et aboutie de réflexion en la matière, et ce à travers un libéralisme dit « d’esprit » que nous extrairons de leur pensée commune. En effet, alors qu’ils cherchent à contrecarrer les effets néfastes du matérialisme qui aurait comme principale conséquence d’abaisser l’âme des individus et de les priver de liberté, ils mettent au point une approche qui empêche la matérialisation ou la cristallisation complète des références proposées comme point de repère aux citoyens. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

[pt] O consumo de alimentos ultraprocessados, ao lado do consumo do tabaco e do álcool, constitui uma das principais causas de doenças crônicas não transmissíveis – principal causa de mortes em adultos no Brasil –, sendo a publicidade de tais produtos considerada pela Organização Mundial da Saúde um dos fatores comerciais determinantes deste problema de saúde pública. A situação demanda a análise quanto a se o controle jurídico da publicidade no país tutela, de forma suficiente, os direitos fundamentais à saúde e à proteção do consumidor impactados pelas estratégias de marketing da indústria alimentícia. Neste sentido, o trabalho se propõe a realizar esta análise, com o intuito de compreender o regime jurídico de controle da publicidade no Brasil, por meio das normas do Código de Defesa do Consumidor e da autorregulamentação publicitária, assim como a natureza da proteção jurídica da publicidade no Direito brasileiro, a partir dos conceitos de liberdade de expressão comercial e livre iniciativa, a fim de identificar a legitimidade de restrições a estes direitos, com foco em estudos doutrinários e pesquisas em Tribunais brasileiros, sobretudo no âmbito do Superior Tribunal de Justiça e do Supremo Tribunal Federal; realizando, por fim, algumas proposições críticas, com o objetivo de contornar os problemas verificados – em especial a necessidade de regulação específica para estabelecer medidas restritivas à publicidade destes alimentos. / [en] The consumption of ultra-processed foods, together with the consumption of tobacco and alcohol, constitutes one of the main causes of non-communicable diseases – the principal cause of deaths in adults in Brazil –, being the advertisement of such products deemed by the World Health Organization as one of the commercial determinants of such public health problem. The situation demands the analysis of the sufficiency of the legal regulation of commercial speech in the country, with a view to verify if it duly protects the fundamental rights to health and consumer protection once impacted by marketing strategies adopted by the food industry. Thus, this work proposes to carry on such analysis, with the intent to understand the legal regime of commercial speech regulation in the country, through the norms of the Consumer Protection Statute and the self-regulation code, as well as the nature of the legal protection of commercial speech under Brazilian law, related to the notions of rights to freedom of commercial speech and free enterprise, with the purpose to identify the legitimacy of restrictions to such rights. The work will focus in academic studies as well as research on Brazilian courts decisions, specially under the Superior Court of Justice and the Constitutional Supreme Court, finally, from an analytical perspective, aiming to identify existing problems – mainly, the need to implement specific regulation establishing restrictive measures to advertisements of ultra-processed foods.

[pt] O conceito tradicional da função social da empresa, hoje predominante na doutrina e jurisprudência brasileiras, apresenta uma compreensão focada na circulação de riquezas e na geração de empregos. Tal compreensão, embora reflita aspecto importante da função social da empresa, não esgota seu conteúdo, quando compreendido sob a óptica civil-constitucional. Nesse sentido, acompanhando a evolução histórica que demonstrou a necessidade de se promover a conciliação da autonomia privada com os ideais de solidariedade social, e o consequente processo de funcionalização dos institutos jurídicos, é preciso que a ideia subjacente a tão relevante princípio seja revista, dimensionando sua abrangência além da perspectiva socioeconômica que hoje o caracteriza. Revela-se necessário, assim, reconhecer que o princípio da função social da empresa impõe a obrigação de que a atividade empresária seja desempenhada de forma orientada a promover valores e princípios constitucionais, sobretudo a dignidade humana. O projeto pessoal do empresário deve ser conciliado com o igual direito de todos os indivíduos de terem seus respectivos projetos de vida respeitados. Nessa perspectiva, o presente trabalho aponta outras dimensões que devem ser depreendidas da função social da empresa interpretada à luz da constituição. E a partir dessa nova concepção, propõe consequências concretas aos administradores que não observarem tão relevante princípio. / [en] The traditional concept of the social function of the company, currently predominant in Brazilian doctrine and jurisprudence, presents an understanding focused on wealth circulation and jobs generation. Although such understanding reflects a relevant aspect of the social function of the company, it does not exhaust its content when understood from a constitutionalization of private law perspective. In this sense, following the historical evolution that demonstrated the need to promote the conciliation of private autonomy with the ideals of social solidarity, and the consequent process of functionalization of legal institutions, it is necessary to review the idea underlying such a relevant principle to encompass other dimensions beyond the socioeconomic perspective that characterizes it today. Therefore, it is necessary to recognize that the social function of the company principle imposes the obligation that the business activity is carried out in a way that promotes values and constitutional principles, especially human dignity. The entrepreneur s personal project must be harmonized with the equal right of all individuals to have their own personal life projects respected. From this perspective, the present work points out other dimensions that must be inferred from the social function of the company interpreted in the light of the Brazilian constitution. And based on this new conception, it proposes concrete consequences for administrators who do not observe such an important principle.