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Abstract Taiwan's social security has implemented at the institutional for a while. The development of social security shows the face of diversity in each era. There is diverse social security law can be described with impressive results, but we also have to reflect on another issue: What is Taiwan's social security law the common purpose? Every laws and regulations both have a different development process, in the whole social security should have their roles, if the social security policies and regulations have a lack in the principle of system, the government which in the administrative system may be faces obstacles. Particularly, after the democratization of political system in Taiwan, the development of social security measures cannot prevent the intrusion of politics, vote often become the means of achieving the people's welfare and security, and just in the implementation of policies on social security payments of uncertainty measures, it is unable to satisfy what people's need essentially. At this point, the state is difficult to achieve the protection of people's right and equalize opportunity and remove social conflicts, the state power is hard to protect the right of freedoms and vulnerable function, it caused the implementation of social justice by the state as the legitimate role become increasingly disordered. View of diverse of the development of Taiwan's social security law, the legal system reflects the purpose of social security to promote harmony development of society which has become an important starting point. Thus, this study is about the status of social security law, the legal aspects of evidence which in our Constitution, "Social Security" in the normative sense, that is what we want to create? The concept of this country endowed with a local social security of the explanation? Or should we look for the legal science for another closer theory of state and society relations outside positive law, in order to facilitate the establishment of law system. And another study is from the philosophy of law, analysis Lorenz von Stein's book of social theory, which is German scholar of public law, and the book of John Rawls theory of justice, which is American political scientist. And then look for the social constitution real meaning behind the words to construct a more complete system of social security law. Attempt to think through the social sciences, the social security law find a common language, and to answer how to construct a Taiwanese legal system of social security, people's social life will have a more harmonious development of justice in order.

Magistro darbe išanalizuotos ir susistemintos įvairių Lietuvos bei užsienio autorių namų ūkių tyrimų teorijos, išnagrinėta Šiaulių regiono namų ūkių ekonominė ir socialinė padėtis, kryptys, gyvenimo lygio augimą skatinantys metodai ir priemonės. Atlikta ekonominė ir socialinė Šiaulių regiono namų ūkių analizė, tiriant įvairius gyvenimo lygį įtakojančius veiksnius: disponuojamas pajamas, vartojimo išlaidas, nedarbą, švietimą, socialinę apsaugą, apsirūpinimą būstu. Gyvenimo lygio diferenciacijai nustatyti buvo naudojami duomenys gauti iš Statistikos departamento, Šiaulių darbo biržos, VSD Šiaulių skyriaus, Šiaulių apskrities savivaldybių, ekonominės ir statistinės teorinės literatūros, pranešimų, straipsnių ir publikacijų. Įvertinus Šiaulių regiono namų ūkių gyvenimo lygio esamą situaciją, numatomos priemonės šio lygio kilimui, jo perspektyvos: • skatinti aktyvaus užimtumo programas mažinant nedarbą; • socialines išmokas reikėtų nukreipti į pačius skurdžiausius gyventojų sluoksnius; • LSD prie LRV turėtų vykdyti didesnės apimties ir gilesnius namų ūkių biudžetų tyrimus. / In the master‘s degree work were analized and structured research theories of different Lithuanian and foreign homes, studied economic and social states and tendencies of Šiauliai regional homes, methods and means to induce the homes growth. It was perfomed economic and social analize of Šiauliai regional homes by researching different factors: disposable income, expense of consumption, unemployment, education, social security, home supply. To determine the differentiation of homes I used the material from Department of statistics, Šiauliai jobcentre, VSD Šiauliai department, Government of Šiauliai region, literature of economic and statistics theory, announcements, articles and publications. After the evaluation of the situation of Šiauliai region‘s homes, there were foreseen some means and perspectives to achieve the homes growth: • to induce the programs of occupation to reduce the unemployment; • to point the social expenses to the most poor set of population; • LSD under LRV have to pursue the bigger coverage analysis of the homes budgets.

In this topic there is analyzed the particularity of the creation of the Rule of law in Lithuania. The reality of the state life forced to choose this topic. The implementation of the idea of the rule of law – the fundamental aim of every state, because only the rule of law firms the humanistic basis, makes sure the ways of life‘s wellbeing, freedom, fight with bureaucracy. The aim of the rule of law is firmed in the preamble of the Lithuanian Constitution. It means that the activity of the institutions conforms to law. Equity, the rule of law, the protection of the rights and freedoms of the people are the main fundamentals of such state. The social, political and public relations change every day, therefore law, which regulates these relations, can not be stable, it has to change continually, and they depend on the characteristic of the relations. Therefore in the topic there are analyzed the problems, which are typical to Lithuania reaching the rule of law. There are examined how the theoretical model of the rule of law conforms to legal, social and economical reality of the state and how there are firmed the rights and freedoms of the people. Advanced civil society is essential condition of the existence of the rule of law. Only the civil society can create the rule of law, and the state can not develop as the rule of law without the civil society. There is accented the importance of culture and legal consciousness of the society to the creation of the model of the... [to full text]

The aim is to map and analyze relationships within the network of social services in České Budějovice.

Assuming that the passing of time is reflected in each individual, preventing its stagnation, and that all interpretations must be temporally and spatially contextualized, the contract is studied here according to its changes in the last two centuries, changes that were propelled, at first, by the transition from the Liberal state to the Welfare state and, later on, by its replacement for the Democratic state of Law. / Teniendo en cuenta que el paso del tiempo se refleja en cada existir, impidiendo su estancamiento, y además, que toda interpretación debe ser contextualizada en el tiempo y en el espacio, el contrato es estudiado aquí observando las transformaciones que este ha sufrido en los últimos dos siglos. el presente estudio trata de conocer los cambios ocurridos por la transición del estado Liberal al estado social y, más tarde, por la sustitución de este por el estado Democrático.

Si l’alternative est de nos jours et dans nos sociétés occidentales un concept de plus en plus en vogue, son caractère lui, en demeure pas moins ambigu. En effet, et alors même que nombre de pratiques dites alternatives émergent de part et d’autre de la société, en faire allusion dans certains domaines équivaut à s’affliger soi-même d’une étiquette sur laquelle serait inscrite « New-Age » en caractère gras. Pourtant, son caractère loin d’évoquer cette seule dimension, semble par ailleurs être conséquente d un déséquilibre de plus en plus prégnant au sein même des prérogatives de l’État. Ce mémoire tente donc de rendre compte de ce phénomène tout en investiguant les répercussions de cette asymétrie sur l’intégration de pratiques médicales alternatives au Québec. Ceci dans l’intention non seulement d’explorer davantage la nature de la relation entre médecine alternative et biomédecine, mais aussi afin de poser un nouveau regard sur son expansion. Un regard, lequel permettrait potentiellement de poser les jalons nécessaires à un espace de conciliation entre les médecines, lequel découlerait alors d’un nouvel équilibre au cœur des prérogatives mêmes de l’État. / If the alternative is to our days and in our western societies a concept more and more in vogue, its character remains ambiguous. In effect, and even that number of practices called “alternatives” emerge on both sides of the society, in referring to in some areas is equivalent to plague itself-even a label on which would be marked “New-Age” in bold. Yet, its character far from referring to this single dimension, seems also be consistent to a more and more significant unbalance within the prerogatives of the State. This dissertation therefore attempts to account for this phenomenon while inquiry into the repercussions of this asymmetry on the integration of alternative medical practices in Quebec. This with the intention not only to further explore the nature of the relationship between alternative medicine and biomedicine, but also in order to install a new look on its expansion. A look, which would potentially lay the groundwork necessary to a space of conciliation between the medicines and which would lead to a new balance in the heart of the prerogatives of the State.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-10-10T13:52:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Giancarlo Montagner Copelli_.pdf: 2673520 bytes, checksum: f8324cc10ac632aa83f8bc559054d5d2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-10T13:52:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Giancarlo Montagner Copelli_.pdf: 2673520 bytes, checksum: f8324cc10ac632aa83f8bc559054d5d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-26 / Nenhuma / Esta tese volta-se ao Estado Social no Brasil, diante de suas consideradas principais crises, a partir da clássica leitura de Pierre Rosanvallon: um problema de caixa – ou uma crise fiscal –, impondo novos e distintos contornos – de viés ideológico e filosófico – que questionam as tomadas de decisão e fragilizam os vínculos de solidariedade que formam a trama do Estado Social, acenando para uma espécie de limite mesmo a essa conformação social e política. Especialmente no Brasil, esse enredo de crises parece agravado por particularidades, como enraizados déficits de republicanismo, como o patrimonialismo, em que grupos dominantes tratam a coisa pública como propriedade privada. Tal cenário projeta o surgimento de uma outra crise: na esteira do descrédito de nossas instituições políticas – e frente a todos os entraves que obstaculizam o Estado Social no Brasil – projeta-se uma crise funcional, em que um poder – o Judiciário – se sobrepõe a outro – o Executivo. Esse contexto – de entraves à concretização do Estado Social, patrimonialismo e sobreposição de poderes – rompe com a linguagem pública que institui um (novo) projeto de sociedade observado na Constituição 1988 – em leitura voltada a aproximar a Filosofia da Linguagem projetada a partir do chamado Segundo Wittgenstein e a Teoria do Estado –, dando margem a um paradoxo: sob o véu de um imaginário de eficácia – maior e mais legítima –, o Judiciário, ao ocupar o espaço da política e sufocar nossas instituições políticas, como o Congresso Nacional, por exemplo, ou, localmente, como as administrações públicas – muito em função de suas próprias crises e do descrédito que delas decorre – é também incapaz de observar os entraves que limitam um Estado de Bem-estar no Brasil. A conclusão é de que o que aqui se observa como uma aposta no Judiciário não considera a crise fiscal-financeira que o limita, uma vez que apenas privatiza a demanda, concretizando esse mesmo Estado Social a quem o provoca (e o próprio Estado aproveita para, ao tornar concreto o direito apenas a quem demanda, diminuir custos). Além disso, as interrogações acerca das tomadas de decisão permanecem, já que a crise ideológica do Estado Social é, em boa medida, decorrente da escassez de recursos e também vinculada a uma crise de representatividade. E, por fim, a fragilidade dos vínculos de solidariedade que formam o Estado Social se agrava, acenando para uma espécie de crise antropológica, à medida que a concretização do Estado de Bem-estar, via Judiciário, ocorre a partir da demanda reclamada. / This thesis is about the Welfare State in Brazil, in the view of its so called main crises, from the classical reading from Pierre Rosanvallon: a cash flow (financial) problem – or a fiscal crisis –, imposing new and different outlines – from ideological and philosophical points of view – that question the decision-making and weaken the bonds of solidarity that form the fabric of the Welfare State, waving to a kind of limit to this social and political institution. Especially in Brazil, this set of crises appears to be aggravated by particularities, such as entrenched deficits of republicanism (patrimonialism), in which dominant groups treat public matters as private ones. This scenario projects the emergence of another crisis. Into the mainstream of the discrediting of our political institutions – and considering the obstacles for the Welfare State in Brazil – a functional crisis is projected, in which one power – the Judiciary – overlaps to another – the Executive. This context – of obstacles to the Welfare State, patrimonialism and overlapping of powers – breaks with the public language that establishes a (new) project of society observed in the 1988 Constitution – in a reading aimed at approach the Philosophy of Language projected from the so called Second Wittgenstein and the Theory of State –, giving rise to a paradox: under the veil of an ideal of efficacy – greater and more legitimate –, the Judiciary, by occupying the space of politics and stifling our political institutions, as the National Congress, for example, or, locally, as public administrations – much in the light of their own crises and the discrediting that ensues from them – is also unable to observe the barriers that limit the Welfare State in Brazil. The conclusion is that what is seen here as a bet on the Judicial power does not take into consideration the fiscal-financial crisis that limits it, since it only privatizes the demand, concretizing the Welfare State to those who provoke it (and the State itself takes advantage of it, by making concrete the right only to those who demand, to reduce costs). In addition, the questions about decision-making remain, since the ideological crisis of the Welfare State is largely due to the scarcity of resources and also linked to a crisis of representativeness. And, finally, the fragility of the bonds of solidarity that make up the Welfare State is aggravated, waving to a kind of anthropological crisis, as the concretization of the Welfare State, via the Judiciary, occurs from the court case. / Esta tesis se vuelve al Estado Social en Brasil, ante sus consideradas principales crisis, a partir de la clásica lectura de Pierre Rosanvallon: un problema de caja - o una crisis fiscal -, imponiendo nuevos y distintos contornos - de sesgo ideológico y filosófico - que cuestionan las tomas de decisión y fragilizan los vínculos de solidaridad que forman la trama del Estado Social, acentuando hacia una especie de límite incluso a esa conformación social y política. Especialmente en Brasil, esa trama de crisis parece agravada por particularidades, como enraizados déficits de republicanismo, como el patrimonialismo, en que grupos dominantes tratan la cosa pública como propiedad privada. Tal escenario proyecta el surgimiento de otra crisis: en la estela del descrédito de nuestras instituciones políticas -y frente a todos los obstáculos que obstaculizan el Estado Social en Brasil- se proyecta una crisis funcional, en la que un poder - el Judicial - se superpone a otro - el Ejecutivo. Este contexto - de obstáculos a la concreción del Estado Social, patrimonialismo y superposición de poderes - rompe con el lenguaje público que instituye un nuevo proyecto de sociedad observado en la Constitución 1988 - en lectura orientada a aproximar la Filosofía del Lenguaje proyectada a partir del llamado Según Wittgenstein y la Teoría del Estado -, dando margen a una paradoja: bajo el velo de un imaginario de eficacia - mayor y más legítima -, el Judiciario, al ocupar el espacio de la política y sofocar nuestras instituciones políticas, como el Congreso Nacional, por ejemplo, o, localmente, como las administraciones públicas - mucho en función de sus propias crisis y del descrédito que de ellas se deriva - es también incapaz de observar los obstáculos que limitan un Estado de Bienestar en Brasil. La conclusión es que lo que aquí se observa como una apuesta en el Judiciario no considera la crisis fiscal-financiera que lo limita, ya que sólo privatiza la demanda, concretando ese mismo Estado Social a quien lo provoca (y el propio Estado aprovecha para, al hacer concreto el derecho sólo a quien lo demanda, disminuir costos). Además, las interrogantes sobre las tomas de decisión permanecen, ya que la crisis ideológica del Estado Social es, en buena medida, derivada de la escasez de recursos y también vinculada a una crisis de representatividad. Y, por fin, la fragilidad de los vínculos de solidaridad que forman el Estado Social se agrava, agitando hacia una especie de crisis antropológica, a medida que la concreción del Estado de Bienestar, vía Judicial, ocurre a partir de la demanda reclamada.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-06-13T18:39:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Willame Parente Mazza_.pdf: 2513074 bytes, checksum: 4a6dae8850bbfa381a5d3d0f731d851b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-13T18:39:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Willame Parente Mazza_.pdf: 2513074 bytes, checksum: 4a6dae8850bbfa381a5d3d0f731d851b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-24 / Nenhuma / Esta tese doutoral tem como mote confrontar o Estado democrático de direito, resultado da transformação social, mormente quanto à inclusão social e à questão da igualdade, com as políticas fiscais neoliberais, delimitada pelas imposições e limites da economia capitalista, na sua fase de financeirização, que orientaram contrarreformas, deixando à margem os direitos sociais. Na primeira Parte, serão contextualizadas as transformações do Estado, o constitucionalismo social e as crises financeiras. Com efeito, das transformações do Estado até a consolidação do Estado democrático de direito, o Estado social se vê aderido ao modelo capitalista, numa relação de inclusão e exclusão, sem se livrar do âmbito individualista, mas procurando promover a inclusão social por meio das políticas públicas. No entanto, tais direitos sociais dividiram espaço, em função das prioridades financeiras do Estado, que depositou no endividamento público os principais objetivos para alimentar o sistema financeiro e a nova fase do capitalismo, antes de produção e, agora, financeiro. Nessa transição é que se destacam as ideias de John Maynard Keynes, que por meio da política fiscal tentava conciliar a desigualdade presente nas sociedades capitalistas com maior justiça social. Em meio às crises financeiras, tal modelo é questionado com a ascensão do neoliberalismo e das políticas monetárias de ajustes fiscais e controle inflacionário, que transformaram o modelo econômico, em especial o tributário e seus princípios equitativos, consagrados nas Constituições. Nesse contexto é que, na segunda Parte, concentra-se a pesquisa no caso brasileiro que, diante de seu projeto constitucional de Estado democrático de direito, reconheceu a questão social e trouxe os meios de financiamento das responsabilidades sociais, encontrando-se inserido nos circuitos mundiais da valorização financeira, que teve como foco a estabilização econômica, o controle inflacionário, o equilíbrio de contas e o ajuste fiscal. Baliza-se na constatação do alinhamento dos sistemas financeiros, econômicos e tributários com os objetivos e fundamentos da Constituição Federal de 1988, que devem guiar a construção desses sistemas, a fim de concretizar o modelo de Estado democrático de direito. Dessa forma, será analisado, a partir da construção democrática que a Constituição de 1988 faz dos direitos sociais e políticas públicas necessários para implementá-los, as alterações constitucionais e legislativas que envolvem federalismo fiscal, renúncias fiscais, orçamento público e sistema da dívida pública, juntamente com a análise de dados coletados pelo autor, sob a hipótese da não finalidade da realização do Estado social, a fim de demonstrar que essas políticas culminaram numa gestão política tutelada pela renda financeira do capital, com prioridade para a dívida pública e a garantia da acumulação de riqueza privada. / This Doctorate Thesis has as its theme to confront the Doctorate State of Law, resulting in the social transformation, especially when considering social inclusion and the matter of equality, with the neoliberism tax policies, designated by the impositions and the limits of the capitalist economy, in its financialism, that directed against reform, leaving a leeway to social rights. In the first part, the transformations of the State will be contextualized, the social constitutionalism and the financial crisis. In the fact of social transformations of State, even the consolidation of the Democratic State of Law the social state sees itself binding to the capitalist model, in a relation to an inclusion and an exclusion, without being free from the individualist ambit, but seeking to promote the social inclusion by means of Public Politics. However such social rights divide spaces, in the role of the financial priorities of State, that deposited in the public indebtedness the principle objectives to nurture the financial system and the new faze of capitalism, before by production and now financial. In this transition the ideas of John Maynard Keynes are what stands out, and by means of the fiscal policies tried to conciliate the inequality present in the capitalist society with bigger social justice. Amid the financial crisis, such model is questioned with the rise of the neoliberism and the monetary politics of fiscal adjustments and the inflationary control, that transforms the economic model, especially the tax and its principle equitables, consecrated in the Constitutions. In this context is that, in this second part the survey is to concentrate in the case of Brasil is that in the face of its constitutional project of the Democratic State of Law, recognized the social question and brought the financial means of the social responsibilites, finding itself inserted in the high financial value of the worldwide circuit, that had as its focus the economic stabilization, the inflationary control, the balance of the accounts and the fiscal adjustment. Limited to the alignment observation of the financial, economic and tributary systems with the objectives and foundation of the 1988 Federal Constitution, and that should guide the construction of these systems, in order to make concrete the model of the Democratic State of Law. In this way, from the democratic construction is that the 1988 Constitution makes the social and public policies necessary to implement them, the Constitutional and Legislative alterations that involve fiscal federalism, fiscal resignations public budget and the public debt system, together with the analysis of data collected by the author, about the hypothesis of the non finality of the accomplishments of the Social State will be analyzed, in order to demonstrate that these politics culminated in a political management protected by the financial earnings of the capitol, with the priority to the public debt and the guarantee of the accumulation of the private wealth.

Si l’alternative est de nos jours et dans nos sociétés occidentales un concept de plus en plus en vogue, son caractère lui, en demeure pas moins ambigu. En effet, et alors même que nombre de pratiques dites alternatives émergent de part et d’autre de la société, en faire allusion dans certains domaines équivaut à s’affliger soi-même d’une étiquette sur laquelle serait inscrite « New-Age » en caractère gras. Pourtant, son caractère loin d’évoquer cette seule dimension, semble par ailleurs être conséquente d un déséquilibre de plus en plus prégnant au sein même des prérogatives de l’État. Ce mémoire tente donc de rendre compte de ce phénomène tout en investiguant les répercussions de cette asymétrie sur l’intégration de pratiques médicales alternatives au Québec. Ceci dans l’intention non seulement d’explorer davantage la nature de la relation entre médecine alternative et biomédecine, mais aussi afin de poser un nouveau regard sur son expansion. Un regard, lequel permettrait potentiellement de poser les jalons nécessaires à un espace de conciliation entre les médecines, lequel découlerait alors d’un nouvel équilibre au cœur des prérogatives mêmes de l’État. / If the alternative is to our days and in our western societies a concept more and more in vogue, its character remains ambiguous. In effect, and even that number of practices called “alternatives” emerge on both sides of the society, in referring to in some areas is equivalent to plague itself-even a label on which would be marked “New-Age” in bold. Yet, its character far from referring to this single dimension, seems also be consistent to a more and more significant unbalance within the prerogatives of the State. This dissertation therefore attempts to account for this phenomenon while inquiry into the repercussions of this asymmetry on the integration of alternative medical practices in Quebec. This with the intention not only to further explore the nature of the relationship between alternative medicine and biomedicine, but also in order to install a new look on its expansion. A look, which would potentially lay the groundwork necessary to a space of conciliation between the medicines and which would lead to a new balance in the heart of the prerogatives of the State.