This thesis studies the relationships between newcomers employed by the Hudson’s Bay Company at Fort Simpson and the Ts’msyen people who came to live outside the fort from its establishment in Ts’msyen territory in 1834 until the founding of a Christian Ts’msyen village at Metlakatla in 1862. I argue that a mutually intelligible – if not equally understood – world was developed at this site in which the lives of these newcomers and local Ts’msyen people became intertwined and somewhat interdependent. While this world was not characterized by universal conditions of fellowship and trust it did involve shared Ts’msyen-newcomer participation in significant cultural activities, the repurposing or remaking of each other’s customs, and jointly developed practices in which customs from both groups were intermingled. I propose that some of these practices, particularly those of law and marriage, can be considered as culturally hybrid. This study suggests the compromised position of the HBC on the northern Northwest Coast, Ts’msyen cultural disposition, and dynamics of power within and between these groups fostered the development a mutually intelligible world and hybrid Ts’msyen-newcomer practices. Far from any centre of British power, greatly outnumbered by the Ts’msyen, and soon out-armed, the newcomers of Fort Simpson were particularly vulnerable. Ts’msyen people, it is claimed, generally valued innovation and had a long-established system for acquiring ownership of changes brought from outside into their communities. Ts’msyen women had a special role in this process. Moreover, both the Ts’msyen and the newcomers had hierarchically structured societies in which displays of power and authority were important. These local circumstances were fundamental to the formation of the hybrid institutions of marriage and law at Fort Simpson/Laxłgu’alaams and to the other complex social and cultural interactions of the two groups documented here. While this study acknowledges that Ts’msyen and newcomer people had distinct motivations for entering relationships with each other, for sharing and cross-participating in customs of the other, and for developing new joint and hybrid practices, it argues that for both groups power and authority were crucial factors. The distinct circumstances which made a mutually intelligible world possible at Fort Simpson/Laxłgu’alaams came to an end in 1862. The return of smallpox in Ts’msyen territory, the removal of the missionary William Duncan and his followers from Fort Simpson to Metlakatla, and the increasing colonial regulation of Indigenous people brought an end to the brief period of accommodation and collaboration between HBC newcomers and Ts’msyen people.

At Cape Gantheaume, Kangaroo Island (South Australia), adult male, lactating female and juvenile New Zealand (NZ) and Australian fur seals regularly return to the same colony, creating the potential for intra- and inter-specific foraging competition in nearby waters. I hypothesised that these demographic groups would exhibit distinct foraging strategies, which reduce competition and facilitate their coexistence. I analysed the diet of adult male, adult female and juvenile NZ fur seals and adult male Australian fur seals and studied the diving behaviour of adult male and lactating female NZ fur seals and the at-sea movements of juvenile, adult male and lactating female NZ fur seals. Female diet reflected that of a generalist predator, influenced by prey availability and their dependant pups� fasting abilities. In contrast, adult male NZ and Australian fur seals used larger and more energy-rich prey, most likely because they could more efficiently access and handle such prey. Juvenile fur seals primarily utilised small lantern fish, which occur south of the shelf break, in pelagic waters. Juveniles undertook the longest foraging trips and adult males conducted more lengthy trips than lactating females, which perform relatively brief trips in order to regularly nurse their pups. Unlike lactating females, some adult males appeared to rest underwater by performing dives that were characterised by a period of passive drifting through the water column. The large body sizes of adult males and lactating females facilitated the use of both benthic and pelagic habitats, but adult males dived deeper and for longer than lactating females, facilitating vertical separation of their foraging habitats. Spatial overlap in foraging habitats among the age/sex groups was minimal, because lactating females typically utilised continental shelf waters and males used deeper water over the shelf break, beyond female foraging grounds. Furthermore, juveniles used pelagic waters, up to 1000 km south of the regions used by lactating females and adult males. The age and sex groups in this study employed dramatically different strategies to maximise their survival and reproductive success. Their prey and foraging habitats are likely to be shaped by body size differences, which determine their different physiological constraints and metabolic requirements. I suggest that these physiological constraints and the lactation constraints on females are the primary factors that reduce competition, thereby facilitating niche partitioning.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) lais_matos_oliveira.pdf: 1897599 bytes, checksum: f8cca6f71386c22ad68bc755f7803402 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES) / Objetivou-se com este estudo avaliar as caracter?sticas fisiol?gicas de diferentes grupos gen?ticos mantidos no cerrado. Foram avaliados 48 bovinos de corte criados em sistema precoce para abate aos 24 meses, sendo seis machos e seis f?meas de cada grupo gen?tico (Nelore, ? Nelore x ?Caracu, ? Caracu x ? Nelore, ? Angus x ? Nelore x ?Caracu). Os par?metros fisiol?gicos taxa de suda??o (TS), frequ?ncia card?aca (FC), frequ?ncia respirat?ria (FR), temperatura retal (TR), temperatura da superf?cie corporal (TSC) foram obtidos entre 07:00 e 12:00h. Foram avaliados o comprimento, n?mero de pelos por unidade de ?rea, densidade de massa dos pelos e di?metro m?dio dos pelos. A colora??o do pelo e pele foram avaliadas por meio da Tabela Padr?o e do color?metro MniScan XE Plus. O delineamento experimental foi o inteiramente casualizado em esquema fatorial com seis repeti??es. Foi utilizado o procedimento GLM do SAS, adotando-se para compara??o de m?dias o teste t com n?vel de signific?ncia de 5%. O NEL apresentou maior FR seguido pelo ?NCAR. A FC foi maior no ver?o. A TS foi maior no ver?o em rela??o ao outono. A TR foi maior no ?NCAR, seguido pelo ?CAR, sendo a menor TR observada no NEL e TRI. Houve correla??o positiva entre a temperatura do olho e a temperatura retal. Os pelos do dorso e garupa foram mais compridos no outono, e, em rela??o ao sexo, maiores nas f?meas. O comprimento dos pelos na garupa foi maior no TRI, seguido pelo ?CAR, NEL e ?NCAR. O di?metro dos pelo do dorso foi maior para o ?NCAR, seguido pelo ?CAR, TRI e NEL. O n?mero de pelos na garupa foi maior n?mero no ver?o. Os pelos do dorso foram mais inclinados no ?NCAR, seguidos pelo ?CAR, NEL e TRI. No ver?o, os pelos do dorso permaneceram mais inclinados, e, em rela??o ao sexo, os machos tiveram maior inclina??o no dorso e garupa. A densidade dos pelos no dorso e garupa foi maior no outono. Os pelos da garupa foram mais densos no ?NCAR, seguidos do ?CAR, TRI e NEL. A EC no dorso foi maior no TRI, seguida pelo NEL, ?CAR e ?NCAR. Entre os sexos a EC foi maior nas f?meas. A EC na garupa foi maior no TRI, seguida pelo ?CAR, NEL e ?NCAR. Os pelos tanto do dorso quanto da garupa foram mais claros no NEL. Os pelos mais escuros no dorso foram observados no TRI e na garupa no ?CAR. O grupo gen?tico que demonstrou maior adapta??o ? cria??o no Cerrado foi o NEL seguido do ?NCAR. / Disserta??o (Mestrado) ? Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Zootecnia, Universidade Federal dos Vales do Jequitinhonha e Mucuri, 2016. / The objective with this study was to evaluate the physiological characteristics of different genetic groups maintained in the savannah. Thirty-eight beef cattle raised in a system to be slaughter at 24 months of age were evaluated, with six males and six females of each genetic group (Nellore; ? Nellore x ? Caracu; ? Caracu x ? Nellore; and ? Angus x ? Nellore x ? Caracu). Sweating rate (SR), heart rate (HR), respiratory rate (RR), rectal temperature (RT) and body surface temperature (BST) were obtained between 07:00 and 12:00. Length, number of furs per unit area, mass density of the fur, and the average furs diameter were assessed. Fur and skin coloring were evaluated using the Standard Table and the MniScan XE Plus colorimeter. The experimental design was the completely randomized in a factorial scheme with six replicates. The GLM procedure of SAS was used, adopting the t test for mean comparison with significance level of 5%. The NEL presented higher RR followed by ? NCAR. The HR was higher in the summer. The SR was greater in the summer compared with the autumn. The RT was higher in the ?NCAR, followed by ?CAR, with the lower RT observed in NEL and TRI. There was a positive correlation between eye temperature and rectal temperature. The furs of the dorsum and rump were longer in the autumn, and, in relation to sex, larger in females. The fur length on the rump was longer in TRI, followed by ?CAR, NEL and ?NCAR. The fur diameter on the dorsum was larger for ?NCAR, followed by ?CAR, TRI and NEL. The number of furs on the rump was higher in the summer. The furs on the dorsum were more inclined in ?NCAR, followed by ?CAR, NEL, and TRI. In the summer, the furs on the dorsum remained more leaned, and, in relation to sex, the males have a higher inclination on the dorsum and rump. Fur density on the dorsum and rump was higher in autumn. The furs of the rump were denser in ?NCAR, followed by ?CAR, TRI, and NEL. The EC on the dorsum was higher in TRI, followed by NEL, ? CAR, and ?NCAR. Among the sexes, the EC was higher in females. The EC on the rump was higher in TRI, followed by ? CAR, NEL and ?NCAR. The furs on both dorsum and rump were clearer in the NEL. The darker furs on the dorsum were observed on TRI and on the rump on ? CAR. The genetic group that demonstrated the greatest adaptation to the raising in the savannah was NEL followed by ?NCAR.

A l’arrivée des premiers colons eurocanadiens à Assiniboia en 1811, le territoire n’est encore qu’un terrain de chasse pour les grandes compagnies de commerce des fourrures, qui obéissent aux codes d’une lex non scripta propre au milieu et à l’économie des Territoires Indiens. La colonie dépend ensuite de la tutelle juridique de la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson, qui gère ses institutions gouvernementales, législatives et judiciaires à l’abri d’interventions canadiennes ou britanniques. Jusqu’à son annexion au Canada en tant que province du Manitoba en 1869, Assiniboia est le seul district de l’Ouest continental canadien doté de telles institutions. Cette thèse analyse l’évolution de la culture juridique de la société métissée de la Rivière Rouge (Assiniboia). A travers les sources des fonds législatifs et judiciaires de la colonie, les récits, correspondances et journaux de dirigeants, de missionnaires et d’habitants d’Assiniboia, ce travail observe les usages de l’outil juridique et ses effets normatifs sur les colons. Cette étude postule qu’un demi-siècle après sa création, la Rivière Rouge est un espace juridique hybride, où les lois coutumières coexistent avec celles du code civil de la colonie. Cette recherche démontre l’importante participation de la population à sa propre gouvernance et l’établissement progressif d’un pluralisme juridique, qui savait reconnaître et respecter les altérités sociales de la Rivière Rouge, où se rassemblaient des Eurocanadiens, des Autochtones et une majorité d’individus métissés et semi-nomades. Enfin, cette étude met en évidence le rôle fondamental des Métis et du métissage dans tous les processus de changements juridiques du territoire.

The goal of this project is to inform a reader about compact workflow of creating complex computer animation using 3D modelling and animation software 3ds Max. It guides him through the whole process from creating models, texturing and skinning them, to animation pointed at more difficult parts of the animation process. Beside the practical examples, this paper includes necessary theoretical explanation of particular problems. After reading this paper, the reader should be well acquainted with the compact process of creating the complex animation.

Les changements climatiques ont un impact certain sur les écosystèmes marins. Un déplacement vers le sud des principaux systèmes de front servant de sites de nourrissage pour de nombreuses espèces de prédateurs supérieurs est susceptible de se produire dans les zones subantarctiques. Les « central place foragers », tels que les pinnipèdes, sont susceptibles de faire face à une augmentation de la distance entre leurs lieux d'alimentation et leurs colonies d'élevage. Nous avons étudié l’impact des changements climatiques sur le succès d’élevage et la dynamique de population des otaries à fourrure (Arctocephalus gazella) des Îles Kerguelen par le biais du développement du modèle individu centré, MarCPFS (Marine Central Place Foragers Simulator) qui montre que la survie du couple femelle-jeune est particulièrement sensible à la répartition des proies (abondance et structure), à la capacité de mémorisation des meilleurs sites de nourrissages trouvés par la femelle pendant la période d'élevage, à la taille des femelles et à la distance qu'il faut parcourir pour trouver la ressource. Les résultats suggèrent qu’au cours des trois prochaines décennies un déplacement vers le sud supérieur à 2km an 1 pourrait compromettre la survie et la durabilité des populations. Un couplage avec un modèle de simulation de la dynamique océanique et de la ressource (SEAPODYM) a permis des projections jusqu’à la fin de ce siècle basées sur le scénarios RCP8.5 du GIEC (2014), confirmant les tendances mises à jour précédemment. Ces travaux montrent que les perspectives de maintien des populations sont pessimistes y compris en envisageant une adaptation de la taille des individus. / Climate change has certain impact on the marine ecosystems. A southward shift in productive frontal systems serving as the main foraging sites for many top predator species is likely to occur in the Subantarctic areas. Central place foragers, as seabirds and pinnipeds, are thus likely to cope with an increase in the distance between foraging locations and their land-based breeding colonies. We studied the impact of climate change on the breeding success and population dynamics of Antarctic fur seals (Arctocephalus gazella) at Kerguelen Islands by means of an individual based model we developped, MarCPFS (Marine Central Place Foragers Simulator) which showed that the survival of the female-pup pair is particularly sensitive to the distribution of preys (abundance and structure), to the memorization abilities of the best resource sites found by the female during the rearing period, to the female size and to the foraging distance which it is necessary to cover at each trip. The results suggest that during the next three decades a southward shift greater than 2 km year-1 could compromise the survival and the sustainability of the populations. A coupling with a model of simulation of the oceanic dynamics and the resource (SEAPODYM) allowed projections till the end of this century based on scenarios RCP8.5 of the IPCC (2014), confirming the trends previously obtained. Globally, these works lead us to conclude with pessimistic perspectives about the sustainability of populations even when considering an evolution through time towards individuals of greater sizes.

On s’est intéressé dans les années 1950 à 1970 à la disparition d’une bourgeoisie canadienne qui aurait dû faire la transition du capitalisme marchand vers l’industrie. Les réflexions historiennes avaient cependant commencé par la fin, tentant de définir les conséquences historiques à long terme de la « Conquête » sur un groupe encore mal connu qui, en principe, incluait des marchands. Notre thèse s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux états-uniens et européens qui ont permis de revoir, souvent dans une optique culturelle, les marchands occidentaux de l’époque moderne. À partir du cas précis d’un marchand équipeur montréalais et de sa lignée, nous voulons tout d’abord établir si la culture négociante des marchands, au sens large du terme, était du même ordre que celles des métropolitains qui avaient des commerces semblables. Deuxièmement, nous voulons cerner la marge de manœuvre individuelle face aux contraintes des conditions ambiantes ainsi que le rôle des réseaux dans l’évolution de la carrière des marchands. Enfin, nous souhaitons définir la conception de soi de ces derniers, à travers l’examen de leur style de vie et des rôles qu’ils pouvaient jouer dans leur milieu. Pour le faire, nous avons choisi de ratisser « en largeur » dans des sources multiples, y compris des livres de comptes, et de creuser « en profondeur » pour en extraire le maximum de données. L’enquête a été menée à travers la longue carrière de l’équipeur Jean Alexis Lemoine dit Monière (1680-1754) qui s’est installé à Montréal en 1715. Lemoine est connu de la postérité grâce à l’étude de Louise Dechêne qui l’avait suivi jusqu’en 1725. Elle en a tracé un portrait, amplement repris par la suite, qui a fait de lui l’exemple type de marchand équipeur. Or, Monière n’est peut-être pas typique, il pourrait même être un cas-limite. En le suivant jusqu’à sa mort, nous avons exploré toutes les possibilités qui se sont offertes à lui. Nous avons aussi fait une large place aux legs matériel et immatériel de son père Jean Lemoine, et à ce que Monière a transmis à son fils, Pierre Alexis, ainsi qu’à quelques neveux. En encadrant Monière de son père, immigrant rouennais, de ses frères et de son fils, nous avons pu observer l’émergence d’un métier, celui d’équipeur. Nous avons examiné comment Monière, décédé en 1754, a été préparé à exercer son métier et comment il concevait la pratique de ce dernier. Cette démarche a permis de mieux comprendre la culture (au sens large) des gens de la marchandise au Canada. En utilisant une variété de sources et en faisant appel à une démarche micro-historique, nous souhaitons avoir répondu, vingt-cinq ans plus tard, au vœu de Dale Miquelon de regarder, dans la mesure du possible, le monde de la marchandise avec les yeux des acteurs de la période pour répondre aux interrogations des gens d’aujourd’hui. / From the 1950s to the 1970s, historians’ attention was turned towards the disappearance of a bourgeoisie canadienne which should have made the transition from commercial to industrial capitalism. These studies began, so to speak, with the end, in attempting to define the long-term historical consequences of the Conquest on an as-yet ill-defined group that in principle included some merchants. This thesis follows new investigations in both Europe and the USA which have permitted to look anew, often with a cultural history approach, at merchants of the Early Modern period. Focusing on a Montreal merchant outfitter (marchand équipeur) and his family, the investigation first seeks to determine if the Canadian merchants’ culture (broadly defined) was similar to that of their French counterparts who worked on the same business level. A second aim is to evaluate the leeway available to individuals in face of the general conditions of the trade and the role of networks in the merchants’ career. Finally, the thesis attempts to define the self-conception of these men while looking at their lifestyle and the various roles they played in their community. To complete such a study, we have chosen to look « wide and deep » like micro-historians have before us. The study examines the long life of the équipeur, Jean Alexis Lemoine dit Monière, who chose to settle in Montreal in 1715 and whose career Louise Dechêne had followed until 1725. After her, historians have since pictured Monière as a typical marchand équipeur. But he might not have been typical, he might even have been a « limiting case ». The thesis follows him to the end of his life and looking for all the opportunities that were offered to him along the way. It accords considerable importance to the material and immaterial legacy of his father, Jean Lemoine, and to what Monière passed on to this son, Pierre Alexis and a few nephews. Situating Monière between his father who emigrated from Rouen, his brothers and his own son, permits us to see the emergence of a profession, that of équipeur. We look at how Monière, who died in 1754, was prepared to embrace the merchant’s profession and how he perceived the way he should work as an équipeur. This study affords a better understanding of merchants’ culture, broadly conceived, in early French Canada. Exploring a variety of sources and using a micro-historical approach, we hope to have followed Dale Miquelon’s suggestion to look (again) at the merchants’ world with the eyes of the people of the times in order to answer today’s questions.

The role of fish in the Native American economy of the lower Columbia River has never been considered in detail. My study focused on the Columbia River from its mouth to the Cascades and the Willamette River from its confluence with the Columbia to Willamette Falls. For this study I asked: How was salmon used? What other fish were important? Where and how were these fish taken and used? To address these questions, I evaluated historical documents, including explorer's accounts and the administrative records of fur companies dating from the late 1700's through the 1850's. I used fishery data, physical descriptions, migratory and spawning habits, and foraging patterns to identify fish in historic accounts. I annotated historic information and provided a synthesis of the historic fisheries. White sturgeon (Acipenser transmontanus), eulachon (Thaleichthys pacificus) and chinook salmon (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha) dominated the trade. Chum (O.keta) and lamprey (Lampetra sp.) were available, although not traded in large numbers. White sturgeon, eulachon, fall chinook, chum and lamprey were smoke cured. Steel head (0. mykiss) , coho (O.kisutch), perch (Embiotocidae), and resident trout were traded in small numbers indicating that other fish were part of the economy. Sockeye. salmon (O.nerka) was not traded. f "~{.' Indians captured white sturgeon with: multiple hooks on set-lines and funnel nets to take white sturgeon during the winter; scoop nets and the eulachon rake took eulachon; spring and summer chinook were taken with hoop nets and platforms in the Cascades rapids and at Willamette Falls; gaffs were used to take chinook and sturgeon during the summer in Baker Bay; and hoop nets took fall chinook in streams. Seine nets were noted but not were not discussed except for the chinook fishery of Baker Bay. Historic information on fishes used and methods of capture contrasts with the archaeological record of the Portland Basin. Resident freshwater fish, minnows (Cyprinidae) and suckers (Catostomus sp.), are abundant in the archaeological faunal record, but are rarely mentioned in historic accounts. Artifacts such as net weights are common in archaeological contexts in contrast with the limited discussions in the historic record. Possible explanations for these discrepancies are reviewed.

Cílem této práce je demonstrovat možnost renderování srsti přímo do existujících obrazů bez toho, aby bylo po uživateli požadováno překreslení všech pixelů nebo dodání kompletní 3D geometrie a osvětlení. Srst je přidána na povrch objektů pomocí extrakce jejich přibližného tvaru a světelných informací z obrazu a takto získaný objekt je poté přerenderován. Tento přístup je nový v tom, že vysokoúrovňové úpravy obrazu (jako např. přidání srsti), mohou úspěšně vést k vizuálně korektním výsledkům a to i přes omezení nepřesnou geometrií a světelnými podmínkami. Relativně velká množina technik použitých v této práci zahrnuje obrazy s velkým dynamickým rozsahem, metody extrakce 3D tvaru z obrazu, výsledky výzkumu vnímání tvaru a osvětlení a fotorealistické renderování. Hlavním cílem práce je potvrdit koncept popsaný výše. Hlavním implementačním jazykem bylo C++ s použitím knihoven wxWidgets, OpenGL a libTIFF. Renderování bylo realizováno v software 3Delight kompatibilním se standardem Renderman, za pomoci množiny shaderů implementovaných v nativním jazyce Rendermanu.

Ce mémoire explore les rivalités entre les missionnaires jésuites, récollets et sulpiciens en Nouvelle-France au XVIIe siècle. Plus précisément, il porte sur le discours polémique à propos des missionnaires, qu’il provienne de concurrents religieux ou de membres de l’administration coloniale. Même si ces missionnaires participaient tous à un projet apostolique commun, les sources nous révèlent que différents réseaux luttaient à cette époque pour que certains missionnaires puissent jouir d’un monopole sur les âmes de la colonie, tandis que les autres étaient relégués au second plan. Dans cette Église naissante, plusieurs désaccords sévissent entre ces trois familles religieuses et permettent d’expliquer les tensions que l’on retrouve dans leurs écrits. Il s’agit principalement de la francisation des Premières Nations et de la fondation de l’évêché de Québec. En outre, les rivalités entre les Jésuites, les Récollets et les Sulpiciens dépassent largement le cadre spirituel et débouchent régulièrement sur des questions de nature commerciale. Certains missionnaires, les Jésuites en particulier, seront accusés tout au long du siècle par divers acteurs de s’enrichir de différentes manières et notamment de se livrer au trafic des fourrures. Plutôt que de s’intéresser à la véracité de ces attaques, ce mémoire propose de les analyser et de chercher à comprendre leur origine ainsi que leur fonction. Ces accusations doivent également être mises en relation avec les rivalités auxquelles les missionnaires devaient faire face dans leurs autres missions à la même époque. / This thesis explores the rivalries between Jesuit, Recollect and Sulpician missionaries in the 17th century in New France. Specifically, it examines the polemical discourse about the missionaries, whether it came from religious competitors or from members of the colonial administration. Although these missionaries were all part of a common apostolic project, the sources reveal that different networks were struggling at the time so that some missionaries could enjoy a monopoly over the souls of the colony, while others were relegated to the background. In this nascent Church, several disagreements that raged between these three religious families can help to explain the tensions that we find in their writings. The main issues were the francization of the First Nations and the founding of the bishopric of Quebec. Furthermore, the rivalries between the Jesuits, the Recollects and the Sulpicians went far beyond the spiritual framework and regularly led to commercial issues. Certain missionaries, the Jesuits in particular, were accused throughout the century by various actors of enriching themselves in various ways, and of engaging in the fur trade. Rather than focusing on the veracity of these attacks, this thesis proposes to analyze them and to try to understand their origin and function. These accusations must also be put in relation to the rivalries that the missionaries had to face in their other missions during the same period.