Thesis Univ. of California, Berkeley, 2004. / Originally presented as the author's thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 2004. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Münster (Westf.), 2008. / Includes English summary. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5065.pdf: 1156283 bytes, checksum: 7b6775c6225ace8c40370a3eecfc93ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-13 / This dissertation proposes an investigation of the Rwandan genocide, an African country located in Central Africa. This analysis is based on a reading perspective of various written sources that will overlap and inform the colonization process and subsequent genocide in Rwanda. The Rwandan genocide occurred in 1994 in which have approximately 10% of the local population killed. From the documentation produced about the Rwandan genocide and society during the colonial period, I intend to configure how the category of race was very deep into Rwandan society producing a discourse of hate group who scored a racialization process with atypical effects on African societies. The idea of the project, therefore, is the attempt to deconstruct the discourse on essentializing racism to explain the Rwandan society by analyzing the historical reconstruction in which it was created and set a background to realize that references the categories "Hutu" and "Tutsi are trademarks of social differences from natural sources but that these categories by printing a network of well-articulated speeches were being transformed into fixed identities in the colonial period. / Este trabalho propõe uma investigação do genocídio em Ruanda, país Africano localizado na região da África Central. Esta análise é construída numa perspectiva baseada em várias fontes escritas que se sobrepõem e informam sobre o processo de colonização e subsequente genocídio. O genocídio de Ruanda ocorreu em 1994, ano em que aproximadamente 10% da população local foi morta. Tomando como base a documentação produzida sobre o genocídio e a sociedade ruandesa no período colonial, é nosso objetivo discorrer como a racialização dos hutus e tutsis sob a égide belga produziu o processo de assimilação cultural e um discurso de ódio grupal. A ideia da dissertação é desconstruir o discurso essencialista de explicação da sociedade ruandesa, para tanto se recorre à reconstrução histórica em que foi criado. Desta forma, é necessário demonstrar historicamente que as categorias Hutu e Tutsi são marcas das diferenças sociais advindas do processo histórico e social pré-colonial ruandês. Porém, no período colonial, essas categorias são redefinidas dentro de uma rede de discursos bem articulados transformando-se em identidades raciais fixas. A dissertação de mestrado discute também que o processo do colonialismo europeu, sem dúvida, teve papel relevante para criar as bases sociais e ideológicas para o genocídio de Ruanda, entretanto, não foi o único fator explicativo. É necessário interrogar quais foram os interesses, as intencionalidades, as motivações do Estado Ruandês, dos países da África Central e de centenas de milhares de hutus que transformaram a matança, de seus vizinhos tutsis ou de hutus que se negaram a realizar esta empreitada da morte, uma ação habitual em todos os dias de abril a julho de 1994. Além do processo colonial deve-se levar em conta a ação dos sujeitos, pois perpetradores e vítimas não são observadores passivos de um plano orquestrado pelo colonialismo nem são os únicos responsáveis pelos eventos agudos daqueles meses de sangue . Portanto, o genocídio de Ruanda não é mais uma catástrofe necrológica fruto da barbárie que nutre os corações e as mentes dos bárbaros que já banalizaram a violência como sugerem os discursos que costumam animalizar os africanos. Deve-se questionar o porquê o pensamento colonial racializou seus corpos e as possíveis estratégias, lutas e resistências tanto teórica quanto prática para a ruptura de todas as formas de essencialismo.

abstract: The state of exception in Rwanda did not spontaneously occur in Rwanda, it was initially developed by German and Belgian colonizers, adopted by two successive Hutu regimes, and nurtured and fed for 35 years of Rwandan independence until its final realization in the 1994 genocide. Political theory regarding the development of the "space devoid of law" and necropolitics provide a framework with which to analyze the long pattern of state action that created a milieu in which genocide was an acceptable choice of action for a sovereign at risk of losing power. The study of little-known political theories such as Agamben's and Mbembe's is useful because it provides a lens through which we can analyze current state action throughout the world. As is true in many genocidal regimes, the Rwandan genocide did not just occur as a "descent into hell." Rather, state action over the course of decades in which the subjects of the state (People) were systematically converted into mere flesh beings (people), devoid of political or social value, creates the setting in which it is feasible to seek to eliminate those beings. A question to be posed to political actors and observers around the world today is at what point in the process of one nation's creation of the state of exception and adoption of necropolitics does the world have a right, and a duty, to intervene? Thus far, it has always occurred too late for the "people" in that sovereign to realize their political and social potential to be "People." / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Justice Studies 2012

My critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the New York Times' front-page and editorial articles, within the framework of Herman and Chomsky's (1988) propaganda model, shows that the newspaper constructed the intervention in Rwanda as suicidal for the United States and beyond the capacity of the international community. On the other hand, U.S. and NATO intervention and military airstrikes against Serbia were represented as surgical and the only options available to save ethnic Albanian lives in Kosovo. My analysis finds that the New York Times' constructions of the two conflicts, conflict actors and victims of the conflicts heavily favored the official U.S. policy of nonintervention in Rwanda and intervention in Kosovo. In particular, the analysis of the Kosovo conflict discourse in the New York Times found strong support for the dichotomization hypothesis of the propaganda model. I further analyzed U.S. policy papers or the official propaganda discourses alongside news media discourses, and also reviewed my CDA findings alongside key historical episodes related to the two conflicts. My analysis shows, while the New York Times showcased and regurgitated arguments that were in favor of U.S. policy of intervention in Kosovo and nonintervention in Rwanda, the newspaper--deliberately or otherwise--omitted and distorted key details that could potentially and fundamentally reshape perceptions of the need or lack of need for U.S. interventions in each of the two conflicts. Lastly, my analysis finds that there was high degree of similarity between the official propaganda discourses and the discourses in the New York Times.

xi, 189 p. / Human rights advocates have championed the establishment of a regime of international legal accountability for grave violations of human rights, including genocide. Despite recent advances in establishing a regime of responsibility for individuals, when the International Court of Justice pronounced its 2007 judgment on the first case of state responsibility for genocide, Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro, it exonerated Serbia of the most serious charges. Key to the Court's judgment was its spatialized definition of genocide as 'destruction in part' and its acceptance of Serbia's calculated strategy of legal immunization of establishing the Bosnian territory it sought to annex as a formally separate political entity. Considering the Court's latitude of interpretation regarding these spatial and territorial factors in light of the law, this thesis argues that geopolitical considerations influenced a judgment that will greatly limit the future possibility of any state or individual being found responsible for genocide. / Committee in charge: Shaul Cohen, Co-Chair; Alexander B. Murphy, Co-Chair

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / This study examines the role of women in poverty alleviation in post-genocide Rwanda.It further looks at their contributions in the decision-making process and their participation socio-economic development. The research assesses and evaluates the significance of the participation of women in initiatives to alleviate poverty. A key research issue is examining the constraints and opportunities for women’s participation in poverty alleviation. Of special interest is how the policy, institutional and legal environment in post-genocide Rwanda has impacted on women participation in the fight against poverty. The study also examines the contributions of selected women’s projects to poverty alleviation in Rwanda as illustrative exemplars from which lessons on gender equity and human development in Africa can be drawn. At the centre of the examination is women participation in agriculture, which is the cornerstone of their livelihood and Rwanda’s economy. This research is mainly a desktop study based on extensive search of relevant literature on the policy making process during the post-genocide era. To complement the literature this study interviewed women in national, provincial, district and local level in Rwanda to ascertain their key constraints and opportunities and their role in poverty alleviation. Interviews were also conducted with women participating in development projects. The study findings of this research reflect the achievements of Rwandan government in representation of women at National level.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Paris Yeros / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2015. / O genocídio tem um alvo coletivo. Busca a destruição social ampla através de homicídios e agressões culturais, políticas e econômicas. Atinge indivíduos não em sua particularidade, mas naquilo que faz deles membros de um grupo nacional. A aspiração inicial da qual surgiu a concepção de genocídio ¿ enquanto crime contra a humanidade ¿ tinha o objetivo não apenas de denunciá-lo após sua consumação e punir seus autores. Buscava, mais que tudo, formas de freá-lo enquanto ainda está em curso. Constatamos que, no Brasil, as desigualdades socioeconômicas, a seletividade penal e a eliminação física direta agem sincronicamente para movimentar uma engenhosa máquina de extermínio. Partimos das contribuições de Abdias do Nascimento sobre o genocídio cultural e buscamos atualizá-las, demonstrando a permanência, no período pós-ditadura militar, das estratégias de eliminação inspiradas no racismo. / Genocide has a collective target. It seeks the wide-ranging social destruction through homicide and cultural, political and economic attacks. It does not reach the individuals in their particularities, but in what makes them part of a national group. The initial aspiration from which the genocide conception ¿ as crime against humanity ¿ did not have only the goal of denouncing it after its consummation and punishing its authors. It sought, most of all, ways of stopping it while it is still in progress. We verified that, in Brazil, the socio-economical inequalities, the penal selectivity, and the direct physical elimination act synchronically to move an ingenious extermination machine. We started with the contributions of Abdias do Nascimento about the cultural genocide and we aimed to update them, demonstrating the permanence, in the military post-dictatorship period, of elimination strategies inspired by racism.

Cette thèse de doctorat en littérature et arts de la scène et de l’écran examine les écritures scéniques de la catastrophe humaine dans le théâtre contemporain. Elle explore les dynamiques qui sous-tendent la représentation de la barbarie au sein de formes spectaculaires marquées par une forte dimension visuelle. Divisé en deux volets – un premier, critique et un second, pratique –, le travail s’articule d’abord autour d’un corpus composé de trois spectacles : Kamp du collectif Hotel Modern, Rwanda 94 du Groupov et Rouge décanté signé par Guy Cassiers. En observant les oeuvres à la lumière de la complexité et en les abordant à l’aide d’une approche systémique,l’étude tente de révéler les mouvements – esthétiques, perceptifs et thématiques – qui animent ces écritures hétérogènes. La seconde partie de la thèse rend compte d’un processus d’expérimentation mené dans l’espace scénique. Ce dernier, consacré à esquisser une création artistique originale, questionne les mémoires occidentales du génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda.L’expérience pratique fait écho à plusieurs des problématiques soulevées par l’investigation critique et propose une autre forme de réflexion, menée directement sur le plateau. / This doctoral thesis in performing arts looks into scenic writings of human disasters incontemporary theatre. It examines dynamics underlying the representation of barbarism withinspectacular forms imprinted with a visual dimension. Split into two parts – a first one, critical anda second one, practical -, the work is firstly structured around a corpus composed of three shows :Kamp of the Hotel Modern group, Rwanda 94 of Groupov and Rouge décanté by Guy Cassiers.Through the observation of the works in the light of the complexity and by analysing it with asystemic approach, the study attempts to reveal the moves – aesthetic, perceptive and thematic –that drive these heterogeneous writings. The second part of the thesis deals with a process ofexperimentation led in the scenic space. The latter, dedicated to outline an original artisticcreation, questions occidental memories on the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda. The practicalexperience echoes back to several issues raised by the critical investigation and proposes anotherform of reflection, directly led on the stage.

This thesis analyzes the US response to the 1994 Rwandan genocide. It argues that in 1994, the US was retooling its stance on humanitarian intervention because of the disastrous US-led Operation Gothic Serpent in Somalia in 1993. Therefore, the American response to the genocide in Rwanda became a casualty of Washington’s reassessment of its humanitarian intervention policy in the 1990s. The reason behind the US adoption of a more muscular humanitarian intervention policy was due in part to the end of the Cold War in 1991. Thus, the US was able to focus on other issues in international affairs, such as human security, which became a focal point of George H.W Bush’s New World Order. This policy plan outlined areas in which the US could assist the world with human rights issues through cooperation with the United Nations. In 1993, the Clinton Administration expanded the principles of Bush’s New World Order to create a muscular American foreign policy platform that imposed US domestic ideas of human rights on international affairs. Subsequent polarizing events would force the US to retreat from humanitarian intervention. This resulted in a new, lukewarm approach to humanitarian intervention by the Clinton Administration. The new cautious approach to humanitarian intervention affected the US response to the genocide in Rwanda. This thesis aims to reassess how the US reacted to this particular genocide.