Ce mémoire se penche sur les raisons ayant mené à l’isolement du secrétaire d’État Colin Powell au sein du processus décisionnel de politique étrangère de l’administration de George W. Bush entre 2000 et 2004. Plus précisément, cette recherche mobilise le concept de dynamiques de groupes afin d’expliquer l’isolement de Powell dans le processus décisionnel ayant mené aux interventions en Afghanistan (2001) et en Irak (2003). Ce mémoire se veut une contribution à la littérature sur le processus décisionnel de politique étrangère ayant mené à ces deux interventions militaires. Cette littérature est abondante et témoigne d’un consensus au sujet de l’isolement de Powell au sein de cette administration. Toutefois, aucune contribution, à notre connaissance, ne s’était concentrée jusqu’ici à fournir une explication concernant cet isolement. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire démontre que l’isolement de Powell ne peut être simplement attribué à la nature de la fonction qu’il occupait au sein de l’administration Bush. Par la description des dynamiques de groupes au sein du cabinet de guerre, il établit qu’une série d’indicateurs cognitifs et bureaucratiques permettent plutôt d’expliquer, du moins en partie, cet isolement. La présence d’un sous-groupe décisionnel déterminé utilisant des manœuvres bureaucratiques afin de marginaliser Powell, l’omniprésence de l’idéologie néoconservatrice et l’importante polarisation au sein du cabinet de guerre ainsi que la distribution inégales des ressources bureaucratiques sont des facteurs explicatifs développés dans ce mémoire. / Abstract: This master thesis focuses on the factors that led to the marginalization of the Secretary of State Colin Powell inside the foreign policy decision-making process of the George W. Bush administration (2000-2004). More precisely, this research uses the concept of small group dynamics to explain Powell’s isolation in the decision-making process that led to military interventions in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003). This thesis is a contribution to the literature relating to the decision-making process that led to those military interventions. This literature is plenteous and testifies to the consensus about Powell’s marginalization inside this administration. So far, to our knowledge, no contribution has focused on providing an explanation for this marginalization. In the first place, this research reveals that Powell’s marginalization cannot be attributed to the function he occupied in the Bush administration. By describing the small group dynamics within the war cabinet, it establishes that a series of cognitive and bureaucratic indicators are more explanatory of this isolation. The presence of a determined subgroup using bureaucratic strategies to marginalize Powell, the omnipresence of neoconservative ideology that led to important polarization within the war cabinet, and the unequal distribution of bureaucratic resources are some explanatory factors developed in this research.

Diploma thesis 'Special relationship' between the United Kingdom and the United States and renascence of their relationship after September 11, 2001, deals with the special Anglo-American relationship in past and present. Both countries share common history, common language and threads of cultural heritage. The United States maintains close economic and military relationship with the UK. US military and intelligence cooperation in its current form dates back to the World War II and it was rooted in the doctrine of anti-Soviet Containment. US-UK 'special relationship' was widely seen as likely to expire with the end of the Cold War, but was revived following the September 11, 2001 terror attacks on the United States. Particular emphasis in explaining the renascence of the 'special relationship' in the world changed by terror is placed on the role of Prime Minister Tony Blair and his relationship to President George W. Bush.

This thesis called "The United States and the strategic triangle of China-India-Pakistan" examines how the states balance mutual threats. It also focuses on the aspect of U.S.-Pakistani relationship which is a key factor for the further development of the relations in the region. Strategic triangle relations can be defined by Sino-Pakistani alliance, Sino-Indian differences and Indian-Pakistani rivalry. The work is based on a realist concept of the balance of power theory with further focus on the Stephen M. Walt's concept of balance of threat. Based on the theoretical framework, the main threats of the triangle states and the ways they balance these threats are analysed. The growing economic and military power of China and India has resulted in intense balancing, with China using an alliance with Pakistan and strengthening its economic strategies, and with India strengthening the ties with the U.S. and other countries in the region. This ignites a significant security dilemma between China and India, further leading to a potential conflict. The paper further argues that the relationship between the U.S. and Pakistan is key for maintaining regional balance. Therefore, to maintain the strong ties with Pakistan, a setting of long-term U.S. strategy in Pakistan is crucial for increasing the...

Ce travail s’appuie sur les études culturelles et historiques, la géopolitique, la narratologie, et la sémiologie de l’image pour étudier la guerre contre le terrorisme et ses représentations dans les séries télévisées américaines "24 heures chrono" et "Homeland". Produites à dix ans d’intervalle, ces deux fictions majeures de l’après-11 Septembre ont souvent été mises en opposition du fait de leur idéologie supposée, dans la lignée de la présidence républicaine de George W. Bush pour la première, de la présidence démocrate de Barack Obama pour la seconde. Cependant, l’on trouve de nombreuses ressemblances qui tendent non seulement à rapprocher "24" et "Homeland", mais également les présidences Bush et Obama. Notre travail consistera ainsi à mettre au jour l’ambivalence politique des deux programmes afin de s’interroger plus généralement sur les ruptures et les continuités de cette guerre mondiale contre le terrorisme que les États-Unis mènent depuis bientôt deux décennies. / This work uses cultural and historical studies, geopolitics, narratology, and visual semiotics to analyse the representations of the War on Terror in "24" and "Homeland", two emblematic post-9/11 American television series. These shows, which started airing almost a decade apart, have often been opposed to each other because of their presumed ideologies. Both dealing with the War on Terror, "24" has been said to reflect the conservatism of the Bush years, while "Homeland" would correspond to Obama’s liberal presidency. However, upon closer examination, many similarities can be found – which would not only bridge "24" and "Homeland", but also George W. Bush and Barack Obama’s presidencies. This work thus aims to deconstruct the preconceptions surrounding the two series by exploring their political ambivalence in order to question the ruptures and continuities in the global War on Terror which the United States has been conducting for almost twenty years now.

Master thesis deals with the concept of "rogue states" and strategies of the United States that are used towards rogue states. Concretely, attention is focused on two such labeled countries - Iran and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Strategies used by the United States are further observed during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama and with regard to two typical characteristics of rogue states - effort to acquire weapons of mass destruction and the support of terrorism. Despite expectations, it appears that strategies used by the United States differ significantly and they are often influenced by historical experiences and strategic interests. Bush's and Obama's foreign policies were significantly different on the rhetorical level. However, as shown in the thesis there can be found certain continuities between the strategies towards rogue states.

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In his first term as president, George W. Bush was confronted with one of the worst national attacks in United States history: the September 11 terrorist attacks of 2001. Through the devastation, however, President Bush triumphed in unifying and guiding this nation during what would become the height of his rhetorical leadership. Following his reelection in 2004, President Bush faced one of the worst natural disasters in the nation's history: Category 4 Hurricane Katrina. In its aftermath, Katrina became known as "one of the worst mishandled disasters ever." Utilizing Kenneth Burke's pentad, this study analyzes the president's rhetorical response and the primetime network news coverage following each crisis in an attempt to determine how President Bush could fare so well in one instance, consoling and leading the American people, while falling short in his second major crisis during his term as president. / Master of Arts

Les relations entre les Etats-Unis et l’Amérique latine entre 1988 et 2008 ont connu de nombreux bouleversements et chambardements. Les nombreuses raisons qui en sont les causes ont été abordées dans cette thèse. Après avoir étudié les enjeux théoriques de leurs relations nous nous sommes demandés si la politique étrangère était une politique publique comme les autres. Suite à une comparaison générale nous avons étudié les spécificités de l’aide publique au développement et le cas d’une théorie promue par George Bush Jr qui est la « diplomatie transformationnelle ». Dans un second temps, nous avons étudié les bouleversements diplomatiques apparus dans un certain nombre de pays de cette région du fait de l’arrivée de gouvernements de gauche. Les pages consacrées aux trois programmes élaborés par Washington dans les années 2000 (MCA, les deux plans Colombie et le Plan Merida) montrent leur originalité mais aussi leur application et leurs résultats mitigés tant du point de vue de l’efficacité, de l’efficience que de la consolidation des relations diplomatiques avec les pays de cette région. Enfin, nous avons décrit et analysé l’importance des enjeux énergétiques avec l’Amérique latine pour les Etats-Unis puis développé les raisons qui les poussent à vouloir constituer la ZLEA. Cela démontre l’imbrication des questions économiques, diplomatiques et sécuritaires pour les décideurs américains. / The relations between the United States and Latin America between 1988 and 2008 had known a lot of upheavals. The different reasons which were at the origin of that were approached in this dissertation. After having studied the theorical stakes concerning their relations we asked ourself if foreign policy was a classic public policy. Then, we studied development aid’s specificities and a theory promoted by George W. Bush which is the « transformational diplomacy ». In a second part, we studied diplomatical upheavals appeared in some countries of the region, consequence of the election of left wing governments. Pages dedicated to the three programs worked out by Washington during the 2000’s (MCA, both Colombian plans and Merida Initiative) showed the originality but also their application and their reserved results so much from the point of view of the efficiency and the consolidation of the diplomatical relations with the countries of this region. At last, we described and analyzed the importance the energy challenges with Latin America for the United States and developed reasons which urge them to want to constitute the FTAA. This show The interweaving of the economic, diplomatic and security questions for the American decision-makers.

冷戰結束，使得美國全球安全環境發生了歷史性的巨變，在中共快速崛起，區域軍力與經濟力的發展愈形失調之際；從北韓核武威脅、台海主權爭議，到區域民族主義、分離主義與恐怖組織的推波助瀾，將原已嚴峻的亞太情勢推向更為複雜的形勢。基於全般世局的變因與發展，誘發吾人從事國際關係研究的動機，除期望取得一般性國際關係理論與實際知識之外，更期望就小布希政府主政前後美國全球、亞太戰略的主要政策內容，去嘗試發現東亞戰略之理論依據與其關聯性，俾利於我國防政策與戰略發展之研究參考。 經研究發現，促成美國戰略轉變的根源係在不同時空的敵情威脅、全球政經安全情勢與美國內部的政治等因素上；故如何審時度勢，厚植實力，睥睨時局，也就成為美國主導戰略發展的關鍵。 研究也發現，美國東亞安全戰略是其全球、亞太戰略與整體外交、安全戰略設計的一環。冷戰結束後，歐洲呈現安全穩定發展，亞洲則因中共國力竄升與北韓核武危機等新的威脅，既影響東亞區域的平衡穩定，且衝擊到美國的國家利益，迫使美國必須對其東亞安全戰略作出因應的調整，以持續維持美國在世界的領導地位。 「九一一事件」後，促使美國戰略做了重大的改變，對其東亞安全戰略的建構，也針對不同的威脅來源與挑戰，做出國家安全戰略與區域安全戰略的調整和強化；而兩岸三邊關係也出現了若干的調整，從歷史之觀點分析，美國之台海政策基本係依戰略環境之需求而變遷，故台灣如何因應美國戰略之轉變，調整戰略思維，落實「有效嚇阻、防衛固守」戰略構想，達到「預防戰爭」、「維持台海穩定」、「保衛國土安全」之國防目的，實為當務之急。 / Due to the end of cold war, the role of the US in global security environment occurred historic changes. The issues of the North Korea nuclear weapon’s threat, the Taiwan’s sovereignty dispute, regional nationalism, separatism and terrorist groups surged the severe situation of Asia Pacific region more complicate. Owing to the overall variants and developments of the world, I am motivated to study international relation. I expect not only to consume general international relation theory and genuine knowledge but also to explore the theory’s basis and connections of East Asia strategy from those primary policies of the US global and Asia Pacific strategies before and after President George W. Bush assumed his office. This study may useful to the research and reference in our national defense policy and strategy development. Through the study, we discover the fountainheads of promoting the changes of the US strategy are the causes of enemy’s threat, global political & economic security situation and the US domestic politics. So, how to evaluate the world trend, build up immense capability and overwhelm the present posture of affairs become the key factors for the US to lead the strategic development. According to my study, we also discover the US’s East Asia security strategy is a part of its global, Asia Pacific strategies and strategic designs of overall diplomacy and security strategy. After cold war, the Europe develops safely and steadily. But in Asia, the unprecedented threats from the arisen PRC national power and North Korea nuclear weapon’s crisis affect the balance and steady of the East Asia, also pose great influence to the US interests. Thus, the US is forced to make certain adjustments on the East Asia security strategy for dealing with those aforementioned issues in order to maintain its leading status in the world. Post “September 11, terrorist attack”, the US made significant changes on its strategies. The US adjusted and strengthened its national and regional security strategies on East Asia security strategy construction and different threat resources and challenge. Also the US is induced to adjust trilateral relations with Taiwan and China. The US basic policy toward Taiwan Straits, analyzed from historical viewpoints, is changed by the strategic environment need. The ultimate work of Taiwan now, is to response the changes of the US strategy, adjust strategic thinking, fulfill the strategic concepts of “effective deterrence, solid defense” to achieve the national defense goals of “prevention of war”, “maintaining stabilization in Taiwan Straits” and “defending homeland”.

The dissertation deals with immigration policy of the United States toward illegal immigration from Mexico during the presidency of George W. Bush. It aims to answer the question whether the policy had at all changed when compared to the previous administrations, and whether the terrorist attacks from 9/11 had any effect on the issue. The paper also discusses reasons why comprehensive immigration reform has not been accepted yet. In order to answer those questions, the thesis analyzes American perception of immigrants and characterizes interests of pressure groups and political parties in immigration.