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Securitizing British India: A New Framework of Analysis for the First Anglo-Afghan WarHonnen, Mark F 18 December 2013 (has links)
The First Anglo-Afghan War of 1839-1842 was one of the most disastrous conflicts in the history of the British Empire. It caused the death of thousands and the annihilation of the Army of the Indus. Yet this defeat came after a successful invasion. In analyzing the actions of officials and officers of the British imperial state and the East India Company leading up to and during the invasion, I will argue that these actions served to securitize British India. Securitization is a process by which an actor takes a series of steps to persuade an audience that a specific referent object faces a critical and existential threat. I contend in this thesis that the need for security was used to justify, in the eyes of both British and Indian audiences, the continued territorial expansion and military dominance of the British in India and its borderlands.
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Regime security and Kyrgyz foreign policyToktomushev, Kemel January 2014 (has links)
This thesis presents a comprehensive study of Kyrgyz foreign policy from the early 1990s to 2011. It seeks to answer the following research question: how and to what extent does regime security affect Kyrgyz foreign policymaking? In so doing, this work aims to contribute to the understanding of Central Asian politics and the foreign policy sources of weak states across the post-Soviet space. The underlying theme of this dissertation is centred on the question whether neorealist or constructivist traditions provide a more in-depth account of the erratic Kyrgyz foreign policymaking. Notwithstanding a myriad of studies on weak states, the analysis of their foreign policies is limited and mostly characterised by idiosyncratic, reductionist and great power approaches. In this respect, an interpretive and inductive framework integrative of both internal and external variables and with properly contextualised causal mechanisms may explain the international behaviour of weak states in broader and more genuine terms. Thus, the puzzle to be resolved is whether the concepts of rent-seeking and virtual politics can either substitute for or complement the New Great Game narratives in the context of weak states in general and Kyrgyzstan in particular.
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Stret záujmov veľmocí v oblasti Strednej Ázie / Clash of interests of great powers in the region of Central AsiaHostová, Slavomíra January 2013 (has links)
The Central Asia region, that once used to be condemned for a period of time, is now a golden target of the world leaders because of its natural resources so essential for the world. This attempt to get the access to important energies could cause worries about The New great game in Central Asia to many people. The aim of this thesis is to compare the power leadership of four world leaders, Russia, China, the USA and the EU, based on their hard and soft power in Central Asia region and to investigate the possible clash of interests of these countries quoting The New great game, Huntington's theory of Clash of civilisations and Brzezinski's Great Chessboard. At the very end of the theses there is an agreement of their interests, which would bring the answer to the negative assumptions and worries about the development of competition of the great powers in Central Asia.
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La Grande-Bretagne, le Nord et la Baltique du milieu du XIXe siècle jusqu'à la Première Guerre mondiale : des relations et un regard en évolution / Britain, the North and the Baltic from the mid-nineteenth century until the First World War : an evolving relationship and perceptionBlanc, Philippe 02 December 2016 (has links)
Au milieu du XIXe siècle, la zone baltique est considérée par les Britanniques comme une périphérie lointaine et sous-développée, malgré l’existence de relations privilégiées liées à l’aura romantique de la Scandinavie, à l’importance économique de la région en tant que fournisseur de matières premières essentielles, et à sa position géographique, proche du rival russe du Grand Jeu. Au vu de ce lien particulier, du potentiel socioéconomique des pays nordiques, et de la nécessité de multiplier les débouchés commerciaux, les différents acteurs britanniques espèrent, après l’avènement du libéralisme, participer au développement de la région, et même en bénéficier sur le plan économique. Cependant, si la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle voit effectivement de nombreux Britanniques, marchands, entrepreneurs, capitalistes, ou ingénieurs, contribuer activement à l’essor et à la modernisation des régions baltiques, les évolutions diplomatiques et économiques, marquées essentiellement par la montée en puissance de l’Allemagne, une stabilisation des relations avec la Russie et une balance commerciale obstinément déficitaire, conduisent la Grande-Bretagne à repenser son rôle régional en permanence jusqu’aux tensions internationales du début du XXe siècle. / By the middle of the 19th century, the Baltic area is regarded by the British as a far-off, underdeveloped periphery, although there exist privileged relationships linked to the romantic attraction of Scandinavia, the economic importance of the region as supplier of essential raw materials and its geographical location in the vicinity of the Russian rival of the Great Game. Considering this special link, the socio-economic potential of the Nordic countries, and the necessity to multiply Britain’s commercial outlets, the various British actors hope, after the advent of liberalism, to participate in the region’s development, and even benefit from it at economic level. Yet, if, during the second half of the nineteenth century, many British merchants, entrepreneurs, capitalists or engineers do take an active part in the takeoff and modernisation of the Baltic regions, diplomatic and economic developments, whose main features are a rising Germany, more stable relations with Russia, and a stubbornly negative trade balance, lead Britain to continually reconsider its regional role until the international tensions of the early twentieth century.
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An Examination Of Central Asian Geopolitics Through The Expected Utility Model: The New Great GameStutte, Corey 01 January 2009 (has links)
The New Great Game is a geopolitical competition between regional stakeholders over energy resources in Central Asia. The author seeks to use the expected utility voting model based on Black's median voter theorem for forecasting the New Great Game in Central Asia. To judge the external validity of the voting model, the author uses data from the Correlates of War project data set, to formulate three distinct models based only on the numbers in 1992 and 1993. Capabilities and alliance data were used to develop balance of power positions and compare the outcome of 100 simulations to the actual outcome in 2000 based on Correlates of War project data. This allows us to judge whether the emergence of Russia's weak advantage as well as the continuation of the competition in the New Great Game as of 2000 could have been predicted based on what was known in 1992 and 1993. By using only one year's data to forecast the New Great Game, we are able to eliminate historical and researcher bias and judge the applicability of the model in global policy and strategic analysis.
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Meta-Geopolitics of Central Asia : A Comparative Study of the Regional Influence of the European Union and the Shanghai Co-operation OrganizationAghaie Joobani, Hossein January 2013 (has links)
Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states.
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