As the Vietnam War extended into the 1970s, concerns arose in Washington about the decreased number of men enlisting in the armed services. Conscription kept the ranks full temporarily, but the draft’s end precipitated a crisis. Due to the increased need for humanpower, the military broke with precedent and disbanded its female auxiliary organizations, admitting women as full-fledged members. This dissertation explores the first twenty years of women’s service after integration, from 1972 (the year that the last draft calls were issued) to 1992 (just after the First Gulf War) to examine the experiences of American women in uniform and how they affected a gendered military structure. In doing so, it argues that servicewomen were seen as both “ladies” and “brothers.” It explores how these contradictory identities affected women’s military experiences, striving to tell this story in the voices of the women involved by drawing on previous interdisciplinary scholarship, supplemented by archival research and oral historiesWomen’s experiences in the United States military were inherently different than men’s. This dissertation seeks to determine how concepts of gender changed in the military, and how those changes impacted servicewomen’s experiences. Just as important is an assessment of how female veterans viewed their own experiences after they returned to civilian life. Sexual harassment and assault will loom large as examples of some of the gendered obstacles women faced. Since those two transgressions concern power, not sex, most of these incidents involve men exerting control over women. This dissertation therefore looks at the ways in which sexual harassment and assault affected the lives of servicewomen: how the military and the women themselves conceptualized their experiences as gendered or not. Despite the marked change in servicewomen’s status, the Defense Department maintained a policy that pretended there was no role for them in combat. The United States would rather cling to the fantasy that women had not served under fire than admit that they were in dangerous situations. This dissertation offers case studies that challenge the fiction that women did not enter combat until the 21st century. Beginning with the invasion of Grenada, women saw themselves as warriors in a combat zone, regardless of the military’s blinkered point of view. In exploring women’s service during the 1980s and the First Gulf War, I am contributing to the recent historiographical trend that challenges the idea of women as noncombatants. These women’s roles, in fact, blurred the line between combatant and noncombatant. Setting the creation of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF) in the context of liberalized women’s participation in the armed services, this dissertation explores the unappreciated changes that transformed the military during the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s. While the AVF marked the beginning of increased opportunities for women in the United States military, the backlash against women that occurred in the 1980s did not impact only civilian affairs. The military therefore reflected both positive and negative changes that swept the civilian world. This dissertation will assess how women navigated those changes and explore why they occurred by attempting to create a comprehensive historical narrative of women’s military experiences that traces the service and lives of military women from the end of Selective Service through their active involvement in the First Gulf War. / History

This diploma thesis deals with the depiction of the role of media and journalists in war conflicts. It analyses the way the film producers portray media and journalistic work, their characters and abilities. The analysis also looks for attributes of professional journalistic routine in the hostile environment of the war zones, how media and journalists communicate with each other, the way they interact with civilians, soldiers, how critical they are towards the official establishment line of their editors or governments. The method used for analysing the feature and documentary films was the qualitative content analysis. After seeing the films several times, eleven categories that represented best the groups of similarities concerning media and journalists were defined throughout the analysed films. After that, charts were created where brief descriptions of categories and data were lined up and then compared. The next part of the analysis inspects these data even deeper. The result shows how the film makers depict journalistic routines and which stereotypes they use. We also learn whether the picture of the journalists differs according to each of the conflicts when we know that there were utterly different motivations behind them.

Les conflits récents qui ont impliqué l’Irak en 1990 et2003 sont deux conflits menés essentiellement par les Etats-Unis contre l’Irak. Si le premier se fonde, en dépit du droit de légitime défense collective, sur une autorisation du Conseil de sécurité, conformément à une interprétation évolutive de la Charte, le second repose sur des interprétations extensives de la Charte : l’autorisation implicite et la légitime défensepréventive et anticipatoire destinées à éradiquer une menace. Cette recherche tente d’analyserles arguments invoqués en allant jusqu’au bout du raisonnement américain qui s’appuie sur lastratégie de sécurité nationale pour agir dans l’ordre international. Au-delà de la confrontationdu conflit de 2003 aux nouvelles théories tendant à élargir l’autorisation et la légitime défenseet à réhabiliter de vieux concepts de "guerre juste" ou d’"autoprotection" en vigueur auXIXème siècle, c’est leur impact sur le principe de l’interdiction du recours à la force qui aété analysé. Ces nouvelles théories ne sont ni acceptées de lege lata, ni acceptables de legeferanda. Le principe de l’interdiction du recours à la force n’a donc subi aucune brèche. Aulieu d’accepter ces théories, c’est à travers le renforcement de l’action de l’ONU (ses organespolitiques et judiciaires) qu’il faudrait rechercher un moyen d’agir en cas de menace. / The recent conflicts that involved Iraq in 1990 and 2003 are both conflicts fought primarily by the United States of America against Iraq. If the first is based, despite theright of collective self-defense, on an authorization of the Security Council, in accordancewith an evolutionary interpretation of the Charter, the second is based on a liberal interpretation of the Charter: the implied authorization and preventive and anticipatory self defense to eradicate a threat This research attempts to analyze the arguments put forward bythoroughly vetting the United States of America’s rationale based on its national securitystrategy to act in the international order. Beyond exploring the relationship of the 2003conflict to the new theories which attempt to extend the authorization and self-defense and therehabilitation of old concepts of "just war" or "auto-protection" in force in the NineteenthCentury, the impact of these new theories on the principle of the prohibition of the use offorce was also analyzed. These same theories are neither accepted as lege lata nor acceptableas lege ferenda. Accordingly, the principle of the prohibition of the use of force has in no waybeen breached. Instead of accepting these theories, a way to deal with threats should besought through the strengthening of the role of the UN (both its political and judiciaryorgans).

The use of banned toxic weapons in Iraq during Gulf War 1991 started new debates. The increase in cancer cases was the main focus of these issues. The gap in literature motivated this study to find out the correlation between use of DU weapons and its effects on human health. The different probable causes of increase in cancer cases, in Iraq after Gulf War 1991, have been discussed in this study. Three causes; DU, brick kilns smoke near Basra and Kuwait oil fire smoke have been selected. The major emphasis of this study is on use of Depleted Uranium (DU). Different statistical data sets have been used and displayed in the form of maps and graphs using GIS methodologies. It’s hard to say after this GIS based study that the fired Depleted Uranium is the sole cause of increase in cancer incidences in Iraq, while some trends and risk factors at least can be observed where increase in cancer cases in different Governorates in Iraq is clearly visible after Gulf War 1991. After analyzing satellite images of different dates, the second part of this study concludes that Kuwait oil wells smoke is not responsible for increase in cancer incidences in Iraq. A small debate has been initiated regarding smoke in brick kilns near Basra. No study has been found in this regard which can provide evidences that brick kilns smoke is the cause of increase in cancer incidences in southern Iraq. It’s not easy to carry out a full fledge GIS based study to prove DU as cause of increase in cancer cases. The main limitation in this regard is unavailability of required data. Therefore a new GIS based methodology has been devised which can be used to prove relationship between exposure to DU and increase in cancer cases in Iraq. This new methodology is also dependent on specific data sets. Hence this methodology also recommends the collection of specific data sets required for this study. At the end, a detailed study, with honesty, has been suggested to fill up the gaps found in literature whether use of Depleted Uranium in weapons is harmful for human health or not.

Att använda erfarenheter, i form av principer, vid militär planering är inget nytt fenomen. SedanNapoleontiden har det vuxit fram riktlinjer för militär planering och genomförande i form avKrigföringens grundprinciper och principer för att skapa en framgångsrik logistik. Exempel påprinciper och hur de ska tolkas finns i de flesta av världens försvarsmakters doktriner.Syftet med uppsatsen är att ge exempel på hur principer för logistik kan användas för att reflekteraöver de logistiska utmaningar, som en befälhavare eller stabsofficer ställs inför vid en militärplanering.Som empiri, för att värdera principerna mot, har Falklandkriget 1982 och Gulfkriget 1991, med ettbrittiskt/amerikansk perspektiv använts. De är båda konventionella krig med ett tydligt militärtslutmål, men har väldigt olika förutsättningar för logistiken i både en tid-, rum- ochstyrkejämförelse.Uppsatsen använder abduktion som metod. Fem principer för logistik bildar hypoteser förframgång som ställs mot empirin, i form av de två krigen. Krigen ställs mot varandra, medprinciperna som analysverktyg, och komparationens likheter och skillnader gör det möjligt attvärdera och dra slutsatser av principernas innebörd.Resultatet visar att principerna har ett värde och analysen ger vid handen ett flertal slutsatser somkan användas vid militär planering. Principerna ska inte ses som ett krav som måste uppnås för attnå framgång, utan som stöd och riktlinjer för att ta tillvara beprövad erfarenhet. / Using experience, in the form of principles, in military planning is not a new phenomenon. SinceNapoleon there has been development of guidelines for military planning and execution in theform of Principles of War and principles for creating successful logistics. Examples of principlescan be found in most of the world’s defense forces’ doctrines.The overall aim of the thesis is to give examples of how to use principles for logistics to reflecton the logistic challenges you face, as a commander or a staff officer, in military planning.The empirical material used to test the principles against are the Falkland War and the Gulf War,from a British/American perspective. They are both conventional wars with a clear military endstate, but differ a lot in the logistic requirements, both in a time-, space- and forces comparison.The thesis uses the method of abduction. Five principles of logistics make five hypotheses forsuccess that are contrasted with the empirical evidence, in the form of the two wars. The wars arecompared to each other, with the principles as analytic tools, and the similarity and thedifferences in the comparison make it possible to draw conclusions about the principles’ content.The result shows that the principles have value and the analysis gives a number of conclusionsthat can be used in military planning. The principles should not be seen as requirements forsuccess, but rather as a support of, and as guidelines for your planning in order to make use ofprevious experience. / Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09

This study is a historical analysis of Turkish-Iraqi relations from the Gulf War of 1990 up to the Iraqi elections of 2005 and the end of Transitional Administration Law (TAL) and prior to the permanent constitution. This study attempted to explain how Turkish-Iraqi relations entered into a new phase with the Gulf War of 1990. In this year, Iraq invaded Kuwait. Following this invasion, Iraq was attacked by coalition forces and at the end of this war, Iraq was nearly divided when a safe haven was created for the Kurds in northern Iraq. In this regard, this thesis paid attention to three factors that had significant impact on the foreign policy of Turkey towards Iraq: a de facto Kurdish state in northern part of this country and apprehension about the possibility of an independent Kurdish state, the existance of PKK in northern Iraq as a result of a power vacuum there and concerns about the future fate of Turkomans in Iraq and attempts to protect their rights. This study has demonstrated how Kurdish question has influenced Turkey&rsquo / s policy towards Iraq and restricted its options.

El objeto sobre el que se centra la investigación propuesta es la crisis y guerra del Golfo Pérsico. Éste es muy amplio y, por ello, se hace del todo necesario establecer unos límites que permitan concretar y definir el objeto sobre el que se centrará la tarea investigadora.En principio, el objeto en sentido estricto es el comportamiento de Irak en la crisis y guerra del Golfo y el objeto de estudio serán los aspectos jurídicos de la conducta iraquí durante la crisis y guerra del Golfo.Sin embargo, los aspectos jurídicos del comportamiento de Irak pueden ser analizados desde diferentes disciplinas jurídicas, pues la misma ha tenido gran incidencia en relación al Derecho constitucional, Derecho penal, Derecho administrativo, Derecho internacional, tanto privado como público, etc. Por ello, dentro del ámbito jurídico, debe delimitarse el alcance del estudio del comportamiento de Irak.El investigador que pretenda abarcar la totalidad de vertientes del comportamiento iraquí deberá llevar a cabo un enfoque interdisciplinar de éste. Por ello, hay que afirmar una nueva limitación voluntaria en nuestra tarea investigadora, ya que ésta no tiene por finalidad abarcar la totalidad de aspectos jurídicos relativos al comportamiento observado por las autoridades de Bagdad, sino sólo los aquellos susceptibles de ser incluídos en el seno del Derecho internacional público.Ahora bien, el comportamiento iraquí durante la crisis y guerra del Golfo, en tanto que fenómeno real y no una mera hipótesis de laboratorio, ha incidido sobre muchos de los temas que integran el Derecho internacional público; esto es, el Derecho internacional humanitario, Derechos humanos, Derecho diplomático y consular, Derecho internacional del medio ambiente, etc., circunstancia que ha contribuido en gran medida a dificultar los límites dentro de los cuales hay que desenvolver la presente investigación. En este contexto, debe señalarse que la finalidad perseguida es el análisis de los aspectos jurídico-internacionales de la conducta observada por Irak durante la invasión y ocupación del pequeño emirato, dejando de lado otras cuestiones como la actuación de su gobierno en la represión kurda o chiita en su propio territorio. Esta limitación responde a la necesidad de realizar una investigación coherente y sistemática, canalizando los esfuerzos en una única dirección y evitando la dispersión de los mismos. Como es obvio, tal limitación también responde a necesidades prácticas que, en este caso, vienen representadas por la redacción de la investigación en un espacio de proporciones lógicas.Las limitaciones impuestas permiten delimitar el objeto de investigación: los aspectos jurídico-internacionales del comportamiento de Irak durante la crisis y querra del Golfo Pérsico y de las actuaciones internacionales para exigir la responsabilidad internacional iraquí. La pretensión y alcance que a la perspectiva del problema se intenta dar aquí viene dada por una doble realidad concreta: la actuación iraquí en Kuwait y el Derecho internacional público y de las actuaciones internacionales para exigir la responsabilidad iraquí. Se parte, pues, del hecho obvio de que es la realidad del ordenamiento jurídico-internacional existente en la que se debe analizar la conducta de Irak. Por ello, el presente trabajo pretende ser, dentro de los límites propios de toda investigación, una reflexión sobre los hechos acontecidos en Kuwait durante su invasión y ocupación y durante la guerra iraquí contra la coalición multinacional.Finalmente, hay que indicar que el período de investigación se desarrolló entre los años 1990 y 1993. Como es obvio, la presente labor investigadora podría prolongarse en el tiempo, pues nuevos acontecimientos relacionados con la misma han tenido lugar con el devenir de los meses . Empero, a la luz del objetivo investigador perseguido con este trabajo, pareció oportuno dar por finalizada la tarea investigadora en noviembre de 1992. En todo caso, utilizando un simil musical, podría decirse que todos los trabajos de investigación son una sinfonía inacabada.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006. / Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "June 2006." AD-A451 305. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-100).

[pt] O Golfo Pérsico é responsável por aproximadamente trinta por cento da produção mundial de petróleo e detém mais da metade das reservas petrolíferas mundiais. A concentração geográfica do principal recurso enérgico, que alimenta o atual padrão tecnológico mundial, eleva essa região a um ponto de passagem obrigatório nas opções de geopolítica de todos os países do Sistema Internacional. O Golfo Pérsico é uma região de grande instabilidade política, e em menos de trinta anos, enfrentou três guerras internacionais: nos anos oitenta a Guerra Irã- Iraque, nos anos noventa a Guerra do Golfo e, mais recentemente a Invasão Americana ao Iraque. Tais conflitos foram marcados pelo uso, ou pela ameaça de uso, de armas de destruição em massa, e pelas perdas de um contingente imenso das populações dos países em conflito. Esta dissertação analisa a participação americana nestes três conflitos, tomando como referenciais conceitos de geopolítica, uma vez que a especificidade da região exige a retomada dessa disciplina que anda esquecida nas análises internacionais. A geopolítica procura enfatizar o impacto da geografia sobre a política; desta forma, a presença do petróleo no território do Golfo Pérsico, entendido como o Coração Energético Mundial, vai influir decisivamente nas suas relações com os outros Estados do Sistema Internacional. Este estudo analisa as opções de geopolítica dos EUA para a região durante os três conflitos, uma vez que assegurar o acesso às fontes de suprimento energético do Golfo Pérsico é um interesse nacional vital americano. / [en] The Persian Gulf produces about thirty per cent of the world's oil, while holding more than a half of the world's crude oil reserves. The geographical concentration of the most important energy resource that holds the world's contemporary technological standard, puts this region in a very important place for the geopolitical options for all countries in the International System. However, the Persian Gulf is a political unstable region in the world, in less than thirty years was involved in three international wars: in the eighties The Iran-Iraq War, in the nineties The Gulf War and recently The American Invasion of Iraq. These conflicts were known by the use or by the threat of use weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and by the heavy casualties in the countries involved in the war. This dissertation analyses the American participation in these three conflicts taking as referential geopolitical concepts, once the specificity of the region demands the rebirth of this discipline that was so often forgotten in the international analyses. The geopolitics emphasize the geographical impact over politics, so the oil reserves in the territory of the Persian Gulf, the energy heartland, will influence the relationship with the others States in the International System. This study examines the American geopolitical options for the region, once a secure access to Persian Gulf is America's national vital interest.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--Stellenbosch University, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During Gulf War II, the American government implemented new media policies which, due to their potentially manipulative impact, became a subject of concern to academics, social commentators and the media alike. Key to these policies was the Department of Defense's Embedded Media Program which allowed hundreds of selected reporters to accompany US forces to the war front. The US openly tried to win international support for the war, and critics felt that this policy was designed to saturate the media with reports supporting the American point of view. This study examines these policies, the history of war reporting as a separate news genre, as well as the fluctuating relations between the US military and the media. Because of the US media policies, the fact that only one South African newspaper reporter was in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Freedom phase of the war and South African newspapers' consequent reliance on foreign news sources, there was a real possibility that the American position would be propagated in the local press. To test whether this was the case, the way the war was reported on in four leading South African newspapers is examined in terms of gatekeeping, agendasetting and framing. Using an adapted version op Propp's fairytale analysis as a standard, it compares the slant and content of the South African coverage to the way four senior US government officials presented the war. Also, the coverage of the newspapers is compared to one another. The analyses indicate that while most of the information published by the newspapers came from American sources, the news reports generally did not mirror the US standpoint, but instead criticised President Bush and the war on Iraq. Neither the frequency of the newspapers, nor its cultural background showed any correlation with the way the war was depicted by the different newspapers. It is therefore concluded that while the US might have been successful in their attempt to "occupy the media territory" in terms of sources cited, they were not able to sway the opinion of the South African press in their favour. However, the US is aware of these failures and plans to rectify the mistakes made in Gulf War II by means of proactive global operations started in times of peace. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog het die Amerikaanse regering 'n nuwe mediabeleid ingestel wat weens die potensieel manipulerende impak daarvan ’n bron van kommer vir akademici, sosiale kommentators en die media self geword het. Sentraal tot hierdie nuwe beleid was die Departement van Verdediging se sogenaamde "Embedded Media Program" wat honderde uitgesoekte joernaliste toegelaat het om Amerikaanse magte na die oorlogsfront te vergesel. Die VSA het openlik probeer om internasionale steun vir die oorlog te werf en kritici het gevoel dat dié beleid ontwerp is om die media met nuusberigte wat die Amerikaanse standpunt steun, te versadig. Hierdie studie ondersoek dié beleid, die geskiedenis van oorlogsverslaggewing as afsonderlike nuus-genre, asook die wisselvallige verhouding tussen die Amerikaanse weermag en die media. Weens die Amerikaanse mediabeleid, die feit dat slegs een Suid-Afrikaanse koerantverslaggewer tydens die Operation Iraqi Freedom fase van die oorlog in Irak was en Suid-Afrikaanse koerante gevolglik van buitelandse nuusbronne afhanklik was, was daar 'n werklike moontlikheid dat die Amerikaanse posisie deur die plaaslike pers gepropageer kon word. Om te toets of dit die geval was, is die manier waarop in vier vooraanstaande Suid-Afrikaanse koerante oor die oorlog berig is, ondersoek in terme van hekwagterskap, agendastelling en raamskepping. Deur 'n aangepaste weergawe van Propp se feëverhaalanalise as maatstaf te gebruik, is die neiging en inhoud van die Suid- Afrikaanse dekking vergelyk met die manier waarop vier senior Amerikaanse amptenare die oorlog voorgehou het. Die koerante se dekking is ook met mekaar vergelyk. Die analises wys dat hoewel die meeste van die inligting wat deur die koerante gepubliseer is van Amerikaanse bronne kom, die nuusberigte oor die algemeen nie die Amerikaanse standpunt weerspieël nie, maar eerder krities teenoor President Bush en die oorlog teen Irak is. Nie die frekwensie van die koerante of die kulturele agtergrond daarvan het enige korrelasie getoon met die manier waarop die oorlog deur die verskillende koerante uitgebeeld is nie. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat hoewel die VSA moontlik daarin geslaag het om die "mediaterrein te okkupeer" in terme van aangehaalde bronne, het hulle nie daarin geslaag om die Suid-Afrikaanse pers se opinie in hul guns te swaai nie. Die VSA is egter bewus van die foute wat tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog gemaak is en beplan om dit deur middel van proaktiewe globale operasies in vredestyd reg te stel.