Studying what eugenics was and other subjects that could be tied to this is nothing new. However, there are still gaps in the research field that need to be filled. One of these concerns critical debates, for example using person-based names on lecture-halls and buildings. The purpose of this study was to investigate what themes and lines of conflict could be identified in the debate around the historical heritage after Anders and Gustaf Retzius, two previous researchers. The study analyzed the overall society’s debate within the Swedish daily press. The study used argument analysis as its method and included a total of 15 articles. The theoretical framework of this study included descriptions of how memory can be used in various ways such as organizing one’s history and what part it could play in for example debates concerning changes like removing memorials. The results of the present study for example showed that one theme and line of conflict in the debate concerned how involved Anders and Gustaf Retzius were in the Swedish eugenics, since this according to various parts of the chosen works could be viewed in different ways. The study concludes that the debate is multi-layered and could be viewed from many different perspectives.

Gustaf Cederschiöld var en språkforskare under andra delen av 1800-talet. Han skrev uppsatsen Kvinnospråk och var den första som publicerade en studie om kvinnors språk. Studien granskar hur Cederschiöld beskrev kvinnor och män genom en närläsning av uppsatsen och använder utdrag som empiriskt material. Det utförs en jämförelse mellan hur kvinnor och män beskrivs i analysen. Studien använder sig av två teoretiska utgångspunkter som är genusperspektiv och maktförhållande i språket. Metoden är kvalitativ. Studien redovisar att det fanns markanta skillnader mellan hur kvinnor och män beskrivs av Gustaf Cederschiöld. / Gustaf Cederschiöld was a linguist during the latter part of the 19th century. He wrote the essay “Kvinnospråk” and was the first to publish a study on women’s languages. The study examine how Cederschiöld described women and men through a close reading of the essay and using excerpts at empirical material. A comparison between how women and men are described in the analysis. The study employs two theoretical perspectives: gender perspective and power relations in language. The method is qualitative. The study reveals significant differences in how women and men are described by Gustaf Cederschiöld.

Diss. Umeå : Umeå universitet, 2007.

The focus of this thesis is to analyze the monthly magazine Tidskrift för svensk skolfilm och bildningsfilm (magazine for Swedish Educational Movies and Learning Movies) in the startup years of the magazine from 1924-1926. I use three theoretical concepts from sociology professor Tomas Gieryn called epistemic authority, credibility contest and the larger sum of the two - boundary work - to examine how the magazine argues for educational movies. My line of questioning is firstly: How does the magazine argue for and describe educational movies, and secondly: How does the magazine argue to be a part of the advancement of society? In my historically interpretation of the source material I find six themes. The first is movies seen as the foremost form of visually pedagogy (åskådningspedagogik), which was a highly rated educational phenomenon in the early 20th century. In short, the magazine argues that no other educational material such as books or oral learning affected the students as much as movies. Therefore, the school should use educational (nonfiction) movies on a broader scale. The second theme is that movies make the school subjects more interested, and therefore the students will be more motivated to learn. The third theme of arguing I have found in the magazine is that movies can be used as a historical time capsule for later generations. These three themes are especially aiming to answer my first question in the thesis. The other three highlights my second question. As the fourth theme I see Gustaf Berg, the publisher and headman of the magazine, and the magazine itself as pioneers for the mission of greater use of educational movies. In addition, the magazine also argues that the biggest Swedish movie company Svensk Filmindustri (SF), should be seen as an ally to the cause of spreading the educational movies. The fifth theme I have found is that a group Bildningsfilmens vänner (The Friends of Educational Movies) appear frequently in the magazine. They act both as writers and audience and are described in the magazine with utmost positive metaphors. I see the group as a created and imagined society that help the cause gaining credibility. The last theme is that the magazine describes itself and its writers as international versed, which is used to further improve the image and credibility of the magazine and the boundary work it does. My conclusion is that all six themes show that the magazine use itself and its headman Berg as a rhetorical platform to argue from, to gain higher credibility for educational movies.

<p>En studie av teaterdekoratören, konstnären och arkitekten Louis Jean Desprez' betydelse för Gustaf III nationella projekt, att förena sitt folk och skapa en nationell identitet med hjälp av opera och teater.</p> / <p>A study in the importance of the theatre decorateur artist and architect Louis Jean Desprez' for the national project of Gustaf III, to unite his people and create a national identity by using theatre and opera</p>

En studie av teaterdekoratören, konstnären och arkitekten Louis Jean Desprez' betydelse för Gustaf III nationella projekt, att förena sitt folk och skapa en nationell identitet med hjälp av opera och teater. / A study in the importance of the theatre decorateur artist and architect Louis Jean Desprez' for the national project of Gustaf III, to unite his people and create a national identity by using theatre and opera

I denna studie analyseras kung Carl XVI Gustafs kommunikation och hantering av media i samband med den kris som utspelade sig efter att boken Carl XVI Gustaf – den motvillige monarken publicerats. Utifrån den post som kung Carl XVI Gustaf besitter och som finansieras av svenska skattemedel finns det ett samhällsintresse i att studera och granska kungahuset närmare. Denna studie tar upp ett tämligen outforskat perspektiv nämligen kung Carl XVI Gustafs kriskommunikation. Det material som ligger till grund för analysen är de tre tillfällen där han mötte media i samband med utgivandet av boken. De teorier som ligger till grund för denna studie är faller inom kriskommunikation och retorik. Eftersom boken behandlar kung Carl XVI Gustafs privatliv diskuteras också gränsdragningen mellan privat och offentligt samt hur kriser kan påverka förtroendet. Den metod som brukas är Karlberg och Mrals retoriska analysmodell. Studien visar att kung Carl XVI Gustaf till en början har en mer avslappnad och humoristisk ton i sin retorik. Detta står i kontrast med den mer formella och ansträngda retoriken som kung Carl XVI Gustaf brukar senare i sin krishantering. Utifrån rådande riktlinjer inom kriskommunikation rekommenderas att agera snabbt och föra en tydlig dialog vilka är två aspekter som kung Carl XVI Gustaf bryter mot. Av Benoits försvarsstrategier använder kung Carl XVI Gustaf ett flertal men förnekelsestrategin är den som brukas i högst utsträckning. / This study analyzes how His Majesty the King Carl XVI Gustaf communicated and managed media concerning the crisis that took place in connection with the publication of the book Carl XVI Gustaf – den motvillige monarken. Due to the fact that he is king of Sweden and that his work is financed by Swedish taxpayers there is a public interest in studying him and the royal family closer. This study touches on a rather unexplored perspective, namely His Majesty the King Carl XVI Gustaf’s crisis communication. The material that creates the foundation for this study is the three times where he meets media in connection with the publication of the book. The theories used to create the foundation in this study are rhetoric and crisis communication. Due to the fact that the book mentions things from his private life a discussion concerning private and public will be held and how crises might have an impact on trust. The method that will be used is Karlberg and Mral’s rhetorical analysis model. The study shows that His Majesty the King Carl XVI Gustaf at first has a more relaxed and humorous rhetoric. This stands in contrast to the more formal and strained rhetoric used later in his crisis management. According to current guidelines in crisis communication organizations are recommended to act fast and keep a clear communication, two aspects that he seems to go against. Of Benoit’s defense strategies His Majesty the King Carl XVI Gustaf seems to use several, although the denial strategy seems to be the most frequently used.

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examinate the statements and verbal attributions of King Carl</p><p>XVI Gustaf of Sweden in the early 2000’s. More exactly I’ve got two question formulations:</p><p>Which statements does king Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden make during the early 2000’s and are these</p><p>statements, in line with the king’s attributions, non-political, party-politically neutral and noncontroversial</p><p>according to different perspectives? Question number two is if there are to find any</p><p>boundaries for where the verbal attributions of Carl XVI Gustaf seem to go when he expresses himself in</p><p>the role as the king of Sweden and the chief of state in the early 2000’s. My procedure is to read the</p><p>Christmas speeches of Carl XVI Gustaf during the 2000’s and use former beheld statements of Carl XVI</p><p>Gustaf to seek answers to the research questions. My conclusions are that the king does make political</p><p>as well as party-political statements according to different perspectives. The king sometimes speaks</p><p>fondly about EU, advocates multiculturalism, praises the family as a social building block and embellishes</p><p>the Swedish monarchy. According to different perspectives these notions cannot be seen as nonpolitical</p><p>nor party-politically neutral because in some questions different opinions are prevailed among</p><p>parliament parties and other bigger parties in Sweden. However, the statements of the king can hardly</p><p>be seen as controversial since his statements often rest upon strong common values and national unity.</p><p>The verbal boundary of Carl XVI Gustaf is floating and cannot be unravelled, but it’s possible to approach</p><p>the truth with three cores: 1. The king can encourage, although not tell how something is to be</p><p>done. 2. The king shall keep within the national unity and common values. 3. It’s not always enough with</p><p>Swedish national unity, nor shall Carl XVI Gustaf butt in discussions that undermines the relations with</p><p>other countries.</p>

This dissertation examines political life at the Swedish Gustavian Court through Duchess Charlotte (1759–1818). She was the Swedish monarch’s sister-in-law and well-known for her political memoirs. This study reassesses the Duchess as a political agent in her own right by taking into account earlier neglected sources. Drawing inspiration from previous research, I elaborate my empirical findings in an analytical framework called court politics. My claim is that politics involved both men and women at court since it was a key part of social life. I also structure the political agency of the Duchess into six different spheres. Each sphere is equivalent to a combined set of space, social relations, and activities, each of which supplied her with political capital. There are four spheres corresponding to the essential features of the royal identity: firstly, being at the head of a court; secondly, as part of the Swedish royal family; thirdly, in the performance of social duties at court; and fourthly, being the Duke’s consort. The two other spheres derive from the Duchess’s personal life, such as in her relationship with the Fersen family and her close circle of female friends. My examples reveal the Duchess acting as a leading figure in the social life of the Stockholm elite, hereby influencing the composition of political circles. She acted as a patron for court positions and solicited the Duke and the monarch for political purposes. When she was unsatisfied with their political decisions, she refused to host any social occasions, creating disorder within court society. The major focus in previous investigations of elite women’s political power has been on their marital status as a means of influence. By framing the Duchess’s agency in six spheres, I position her between the aristocracy and royal authority, together with both men and women of her social status. Thus, this case study offers a display of the complex dynamics of power at the Gustavian court.

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