Leipzig, Universiẗat, Diss., 2007.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>University: Växjö University, school of social science, department of political science</p><p>Level: Bachelor’s thesis in political science</p><p>Title: SHIFTING BALANCE OF POWER? – an analyze of the new EU-treaty’s consequences for the EC-court.</p><p>Academic adviser: Associate professor Stefan Höjelid</p><p>Author: Magnus Nordahl</p><p>This study focuses on the increased role of the European Court of Justice through the establishment of a Constitution for Europe and its impact on the balance of power, both horizontal and vertical.</p><p>To do this, the study takes its aims from the research problem, formulated as follows:</p><p>Does the establishment of a constitution for Europe contribute to an increased role for the European Court of Justice and does it create a more legible horizontal and vertical division of power?</p><p>To reach the relevant analyses and conclusions two precise questions are presented as well as an analytical model. The precise questions are:</p><p>• Which are the relevant contributions for the balance of power from a perspective of juridification in the new EU-treaty?</p><p>• What impacts do those contributions have on the so called ‘European federalism’?</p><p>The theoretical perspective of this study is rooted in the concept of federalism with special emphasizes on constitution and sovereignty as well as a part about the process of juridification. Along with the presented analytical model consisting of a horizontal and vertical division of power, the empirical material is presented with focus on the new EU-treaty about a constitution for Europe and the European Court of Justice. By doing this, analyses are made about the changing power of the ECJ and the new EU-treaty from a perspective of division of power, federalism and juridification. Through the establishment of the EU-treaty about the creation of a constitution the ECJ receive a clearer platform to act upon which contributes to a more legible division of power, both horizontal and vertical. This due to the fact that the new EU-treaty will take place as the highest law within the EU, something that the ECJ have the right to interpret. The whole process is also a broader recognition of the process of juridification where judicial power increases on the cost of politics.</p><p>Keywords: Constitution, Division of power, EU, ECJ, Federalism, Juridification, and Sovereignty.</p>

Universiẗat, Habil.-Schr., 2003--Tübingen.

Univ.-Gesamthochsch., Diss.--Duisburg, 1995.

Univ., Habil.-Schr.--Bamberg, 2001. / Literaturverz. S. 311 - 335.

Min uppsats är en teorikonsumerande studie där fokus ligger på att identifiera problem för tillämpning av den konsociala demokratimodellen i Burundi på grund av svårighet att särskilja etniska grupper i landet. Jag har undersökt etnicitet ur tre olika teoretiska perspektiv: Essentialism, socialkonstruktionism och postkolonialism teori. Resultatet har visat att etnicitet i Burundi kan definieras ur postkolonialistisk teori, vilket medför problem att tala om etnicitet ur ett vetenskapligt synsätt: burundiska folk har samma kultur, pratar samma språk, tillhör samma religioner, bor utsprida i landet, m.m. Denna problematik har gjort det svårt för applicering av konsocial demokrati, som är den demokratimodellen som används i Burundi sedan nationell självständighet. Etnicitet används av politiker för att erövra och behålla makten. Jag har också i denna uppsats diskuterat vilka alternativa demokratimodeller som fungerar i splittrade samhällen som kan vara bättre för Burundi. Mitt resultat har visat att de olika modellerna också skulle påträffa samma hinder - alltså den etniska problematiken.

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examinate the statements and verbal attributions of King Carl</p><p>XVI Gustaf of Sweden in the early 2000’s. More exactly I’ve got two question formulations:</p><p>Which statements does king Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden make during the early 2000’s and are these</p><p>statements, in line with the king’s attributions, non-political, party-politically neutral and noncontroversial</p><p>according to different perspectives? Question number two is if there are to find any</p><p>boundaries for where the verbal attributions of Carl XVI Gustaf seem to go when he expresses himself in</p><p>the role as the king of Sweden and the chief of state in the early 2000’s. My procedure is to read the</p><p>Christmas speeches of Carl XVI Gustaf during the 2000’s and use former beheld statements of Carl XVI</p><p>Gustaf to seek answers to the research questions. My conclusions are that the king does make political</p><p>as well as party-political statements according to different perspectives. The king sometimes speaks</p><p>fondly about EU, advocates multiculturalism, praises the family as a social building block and embellishes</p><p>the Swedish monarchy. According to different perspectives these notions cannot be seen as nonpolitical</p><p>nor party-politically neutral because in some questions different opinions are prevailed among</p><p>parliament parties and other bigger parties in Sweden. However, the statements of the king can hardly</p><p>be seen as controversial since his statements often rest upon strong common values and national unity.</p><p>The verbal boundary of Carl XVI Gustaf is floating and cannot be unravelled, but it’s possible to approach</p><p>the truth with three cores: 1. The king can encourage, although not tell how something is to be</p><p>done. 2. The king shall keep within the national unity and common values. 3. It’s not always enough with</p><p>Swedish national unity, nor shall Carl XVI Gustaf butt in discussions that undermines the relations with</p><p>other countries.</p>

<p>This study deals with Swedish newspapers' portrayals of the Treaty which establishes a Constitution for Europe, which then influenced Swedish newspaper readers. This study connects the areas of both media and politics. What the media states can be expected to shape</p><p>public opinion, especially when it comes to foreign policy issues. In order to fullfill the aim of the study, I have constructed two problems which I have answered to in accordance with my data, theoretical framework and research method. My data consists of articles from the largest Swedish morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The theoretical framework of this study is a combination of political science, media- and communication science and behaviour science. I have utilized two research methods in this study; a qualitative analysis of content, which transcends into different categories, and a method of quantification of the main actors in the</p><p>articles. One of the results that I have discovered in this study is that the image of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe offered to the readers is a fairly positive one.</p>

Zugl.: Dortmund, Univ., Diss., 2005

<p>The legal status of corporate codes of conduct, whereby a corporation promises to behave in an ethical manner, is uncertain. Such codes are often claimed to be legally unenforceable. But even if codes per se are not regulated by a legal system, there are still numerous rules governing the making and keeping of promises. Contracts, constitutions and advertising are examples of promises recognized in many legal systems. </p><p>This thesis will show, using general principles found in several legal systems, that codes of conduct can indeed be enforceable. </p><p>Firstly, a contract is an agreement between two or more parties. According to different theories, it derives its legal validity from either the ethics of promise-keeping or the reliance of one party. Codes of conduct may, in some cases be considered enforceable contracts. </p><p>Secondly, corporations, like states have constitutions, which outline the basic principles of the organization in a way recognized by the law. A code of conduct can be made enforceable by incorporation into this constitution. </p><p>Finally, promises made in advertising can also be binding for the corporation. If the code is regarded as advertising, it can become enforceable.</p> / <p>Genom etiska policyer (uppförandekoder) kan företag lova att bete sig på et etiskt sätt. Dessa koders rättsliga status är emellertid osäker, och ofta hävdas att sådana de inte är rättsligt bindande. Men även om etikpolicyer i sig inte regleras av rättssystemet, finns det flertaliga regler om att ge och hålla löften. Avtal, författningar och marknadsföring är alla exempel på löften som erkänns som bindande av många rättssystem. </p><p>Denna uppsats visar, genom att åberopa allmänna principer som finns i flera rättssystem, att uppförandekoder faktiskt är bindande. </p><p>Ett avtal är en överenskommelse mellan två eller flera parter. Enligt olika teorier blir det bindande på grund av antingen etiska normer om löften eller en parts tilltro till avtalet. Uppförandekoder kan, under vissa förutsättningar, anses vara avtal. </p><p>Företag, likt stater har författningar som reglerar organisationens mest grundläggande principer på ett sätt som av lagen tillmäts betydelse. En uppförandekod kan göras bindande genom att inkorporeras i denna författning. </p><p>Löften som ges i marknadsföring kan också skapa rättsliga plikter för företaget. Om koden ses som reklam kan den vara bindande.</p>