The European refugee crisis sparked many debates within the European Union member states, as European countries had different ideas about handling the situation. As a result to the long negotiations without decisions, the crisis escalated, resulting in anti-immigrant, populist parties to emerge with big support among European citizens.The Hungarian government was among the first countries in the European Union to capitalise upon the refugee crisis by politicising the question of immigration, therefore, several anti-immigration campaigns were initiated in Hungary during 2015 and 2016.By analysing and comparing two campaign materials (one from 2015 and one from 2016) via the three-dimensional critical discourse analysis model of Fairclough, the thesis sought to identify the milestones and the rhetoric shifts of the communication of the Hungarian government that changed the public discourse in Hungary, as well as to point out similarities with populist practices in the anti-immigrant campaigns. The empirical analysis was carried out in the theoretical framework of discourse and power, populism, post-factuality, and agenda setting and framing.The text argued for a rhetorical shift between 2015 and 2016, in which the target of the governmental communication changed from refugees towards the European Union and its immigration policy. The thesis found evidence for the usage of populist practices that vastly affected the way Hungarians approach the question of immigration.It is hoped that this thesis could highlight the imbalance in the power relations of the public discourse in Hungary, and the findings could contribute to further analyses of populist campaigns in the period of the European refugee crisis.

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung des institutionellen Wandels in Polen, Tschechien und Ungarn während ihres Beitrittsprozesses zur Europäischen Union. Dabei liegt das Hauptaugenmerk auf den dabei entstandenen Wechselwirkungen zwischen Parteipolitik und den Beitrittsbemühungen. Die Entwicklungen in Mittelosteuropa nach dem Ende der Blockkonfrontation zwang die neuen Demokratien in der Region in einen Zustand des demokratischen und ökonomischen Wettbewerbs um den Zutritt zu westeuropäischen Strukturen, die Wohlstand und Sicherheit versprachen. Die Mitgliedschaft in der EU wurde von ihnen als oberstes Ziel, wenn nicht sogar als Belohnung, ihrer gesellschaftlichen Transformation verstanden. Die Konsolidierung der Demokratie war - im Gegensatz zur vorherigen Demokratisierung - in diesem Zusammenhang keine explizite Anforderung, sondern eine positive Prognose, die spätestens mit der EU-Mitgliedschaft der Realität entsprechen sollte. Das Kernstück dieser Arbeit ist die komparative Dreiländerstudie, in der die innenpolitischen Ereignisse, die Motive der Akteure, die Funktionalität der jeweiligen politischen Systeme und deren Entwicklung nach der Errichtung der Demokratie verglichen werden. Außerdem werden die Strukturen untersucht, die von den Kandidatenländern erschaffen worden sind, um den Beitritt zu organisieren. Die abschließende Bewertung erfolgt hinsichtlich der Gründe, die für etwaige institutionelle Veränderungen verantwortlich waren sind und arbeitet die europapolitischen Determinanten für das Akteursverhalten heraus. Die Verknüpfung von externer Einflußnahme mit institutionellem Wandel im Inneren führt zu folgenden politikwissenschaftlich relevanten Fragen: In wie weit hat der Beitrittsprozeß einen Einfluß auf die Konsolidierung der Demokratie in den Kandidatenländern gehabt? Hatte der Beitrittsprozeß kurz- oder langfristige Veränderungen in den politischen Systemen dieser Länder zur Folge? Haben die nationalen Akteure versucht, den Beitrittsprozeß für ihre eigenen politischen Ziele zu instrumentalisieren? Die Beantwortung dieser Fragen wird helfen, die innenpolitischen Konsequenzen zukünftiger Erweiterungsrunden besser einzuschätzen, einschließlich den dabei zu erwartenden politischen Wechselwirkungen auf der nationalen Ebene der neuen Mitgliedsstaaten. / The present work deals with the research of institutional change in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary during the accession process to the European Union. The main emphasis rests on the interaction between domestic party politics and accession efforts that took place during this period. The developments in Central Eastern Europe after the end of the East-West conflict forced the new democracies of the region into a state of economic competition for entry to West European structures that promised wealth and security. The membership in the EU was perceived as the main foreign policy objective if not as the reward for their societal transformation. The consolidation of democracy - in contrast to the previous democratization that took place - wasn''t a specific requirement in this context. Instead it was a positive prediction which was believed to come true with the EU-membership at the latest. The central element of this work is a comparative three country study, analyzing the domestic political events, the motives of the actors, the functionality of the given political systems and their development after the initial establishment of institutional democracy. Furthermore it includes an examination of the structures that have been created by the candidate countries for organizing their accession to the EU. The final evaluation is done in regard to the reasons responsible for domestic institutional changes and means an attempt to work out the Europe centered determinants of the domestic actors'' behaviours. The linking of external influence to domestic institutional change leads to the following questions relevant to political science: To what extent the accession process had an impact on the consolidation of democracy in the candidate countries? Has the accession process caused any short or long term changes in the political systems of these countries? Have the domestic actors tried to utilize the accession process for their own political interests? The answers to these questions will help evaluating the domestic consequences of future enlargement rounds, including the correlations on the national level of the new member states.

No description available.

This thesis is a study of language use in English language classrooms in primary schools in Hungary. The focus of the study is on the use of the target language (English) and the mother tongue (Hungarian) by the teachers and the learners. The teachers are all Hungarian native speakers, with varying levels of competence and previous experience in communicative language teaching, and this presents a challenge to the adoption of a communicative approach to the teaching of English. The National Core Curriculum endorses the communicative approach, with the expectation that the target language will be used as much as possible. However, in practice, the mother tongue is widely used in these classrooms, both by the teachers and by the students. There is therefore a conflict between policy and practice: the policy is that the target language should be used wherever possible, whereas the practice is that the use of the target language is limited to predictable and routine contexts. It is this conflict which constitutes the central question which is addressed in this thesis: how do teachers resolve the conflict between what they are expected to do, and what they feel capable of doing. Data from classrooms and interviews were collected and analysed, using both quantitative and qualitative techniques. The focus of the analysis was on the amount and function of the use of the mother tongue by the teachers. Comparisons were drawn between teachers of Grade 4 pupils who started to learn English in Grade 1 and those who started in Grade 4. This analysis is complemented by evidence concerning the teachers‘ beliefs and understandings about the pressures and constraints which affect their teaching of English to young learners. The results suggest that the possibility of communicative language teaching in these classrooms is constrained by various factors, including the limitations in the children‘s cognitive capabilities and the proficiency level of the children, and the teachers‘ preference for using their previous methods which included grammar, translation and memorisation; also by curriculum requirements such as the use of the textbook, and the necessity to prepare the children for examinations. The implications of these findings for curriculum development in foreign language teaching in other comparable contexts are discussed.

At the end of the 15th century in Bohemia penetrates the Renaissance style, which appeared in 1493 at the Prague Castle in the form of windows of the Vladislav Hall in the Old Royal Palace. Their appearance is historically and stylistically linked to the Buda Castle, where Vladislaus II. Jagiello relocated in 1490. Here he met the prime marble carvings of the court of Matthias Corvinus, for which worked Italian masters. Patterns of fragments of windows founded in Buda can find at the Palazzo Ducale of Federico da Montefeltro in Urbino, because Hungary was due Queen Beatrice of Aragon from Naples in live contact with Italy.

L'accessibilité des musées hongrois aux personnes en situation de handicap, entendue au sens large, c'est-à-dire l'accessibilité du cadre bâti, l'accès à l'information, à la communication, l'accès à l'offre culturelle et aux pratiques artistiques, constitue aujourd'hui non seulement une obligation légale mais surtout une opportunité d'élargissement des publics. Grâce à une politique volontariste d'accueil des publics en situation de handicap dans les musées et à une adaptation spécifique du cadre bâti, des supports d'informations et de communication, des prestations et animations culturelles ou encore des outils et supports pédagogiques grâce aux innovations technologiques en perpétuelle innovation, il est possible de prendre en compte tous les types de visiteurs en situation de handicap dans les musées et de leur faire bénéficier de services et d'offres adaptés à leurs attentes et à leurs besoins. Pour autant, dans la pratique, la réalité sur le terrain hongrois n'est pas toujours si évidente, les rapports entre les personnes en situation de handicap et les musées hongrois étant un fait relativement récent. Pour aborder ce sujet, trois musées nationaux de Budapest ont été choisis par rapport à leurs critères particuliers en tant qu'études de cas afin d'analyser la situation de l'accessibilité et de mettre en place dans ces musées des projets de mise en accessibilité pour l'accueil des publics en situation de handicap. Les conclusions issues de la mise en place de ces divers projets développés dans ces trois musées permettent de dresser des recommandations, des préconisations et des pistes d'actions destinées plus particulièrement aux professionnels des musées. / The accessibility of the Hungarian museums for people with disabilities - i.e. in a broader sense accessibility of the building, access to information and communication and access to cultural and artistic practices - represents today not only a legal obligation but actually a substantial contribution to the enlargement of the public. Thanks to the voluntarist politics in the museums regarding services of handicapped people, thanks to the special adjustment of the buildings, to the information and communication appliences, to the cultural services and even to the pedagogical means and methods in a constant technological development and innovation, it is possible to take into consideration all types of visitors with disabilities and to provide them with services adjusted to their expectations and needs. Nevertheless in practice this is not always so obvious in Hungary, the dialogue between handicapped people and the Hungarian museums started just recently. In order to investigate this subject matter, three national museums have been selected in Budapest to be examined in a case study. The aim was to see and analyse their conditions of accessibility and implement the projects related to accesibility and to the actions how to welcome a public with disabilities. The conclusions drawn from the different projects developped in these three museums make it possible to set up recommendations and suggestions and to propose action plans particularly to the professionals working in the museums.

The Thesis with title " Armament production for Whermacht and the Army of Aliance in Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia (1939 - 1945) is interested in detailed description of armament production within quality and quantity armoured of vehicles and infantry weapons made in war years 1939 - 1945 in Czech munition factories. Foreword part deals with Czech production efore Munich agrément,suitable conditions for militarization and empowerment German Army nor the use in industry either for strategy location. In following chapters the work describes main munition factories (Škoda Plzeň - Skoda Werke, ČKD Praha - BMM, Munition faktory Brno)and due to occupation our country,Czechoslovakia,maximal use of technical and human potenciál in Protectorate.The same it documents sale of spare weapons (cannons and munition) and presents German production,too. In other chapters it directs to confrontal of weapons,thein improvement,following development,army tanks, (mainly tank ŠKODA vz. 35, tank ŠKODA vz. 35,light tank LT vz. 38 and later fighter tank and offensive cannons from útočná ČKD Prague , Marder III, Hetzer, Grille), infantry weapons made in Brnopěchotní (Carabine Mauser K98 and gunmachine MG34, MG42, MG131). It mentios the biggest problem of German armament industry during War,that was critical shortage of raw...

<p>Tokom srednjeg veka u Ugarskoj su se na&scaron;li i<br />mnogi pripadnici dinastija iz susednih, ali i iz<br />drugih evropskih zemalja. Predmet istraživanja<br />u ovoj tezi su clanovi dinastija iz zemalja<br />jugoistocne Evrope, odnosno sa Balkanskog<br />poluostrva (Srbija, Bosna, Vizantija, Bugarska,<br />Osmansko carstvo), koji su u periodu od 12. do<br />prvih decenija 16. veka boravili u Ugarskoj<br />kraljevini i bili ukljuceni u njen državno-pravni<br />sistem. U fokusu istraživanja su srpski župan i<br />ugarski palatin Belo&scaron; iz 12. veka, njemu<br />savremeni bosanski ban Boric i njegovi<br />potomci, sinovi biv&scaron;e vizantijske carice<br />Margarite Jovan An&#39;eo i Viljem od Sentomera,<br />bosanski banovi iz 13. veka, narocito Prijezda I<br />i njegovi sinovi, srpski kralj Stefan Dragutin,<br />bosanski ban Stjepan (( Kotromanic i njegova<br />kci Jelisaveta, supruga ugarskog kralja Lajo&scaron;a (,<br />zatim sinovi kralja Vuka&scaron;ina Dmitar i Andrija&scaron;,<br />despoti Stefan Lazarevic, &amp;ura&#39; Brankovic i<br />njegovi potomci, srpski despoti u Ugarskoj iz<br />druge polovine 15. stoleca, bosanski kraljevi<br />pocev od Tvrtka I do Stefana Toma&scaron;evica,<br />herceg Vladislav Kosaca i njegovi naslednici, i<br />konacno, bugarski carevic Fružin i osmanski<br />princevi Murat i Davud Celebija. Njihov<br />položaj u srednjovekovnoj Ugarskoj razlikovao<br />se u zavisnosti od vremena i okolnosti u kojima<br />su do&scaron;li u ovu zemlju (bracne i porodicne veze<br />me&#39;u dinastijama, izbegli clanovi vladarskih<br />porodica koji su na&scaron;li utoci&scaron;te u Ugarskoj,<br />vladari susednih država koji su kao vazali<br />ugarskih kraljeva dobijali posede na teritoriji<br />kraljevine). Cilj istraživanja bio je da se na<br />osnovu raspoloživih podataka u istorijskim<br />izvorima sagleda položaj clanova dinastija iz<br />zemalja jugoistocne Evrope u pravnom i<br />politickom sistemu Ugarske kraljevine, njihovi<br />posedi, uloge koje su ove licnosti imale u<br />odnosima Ugarske sa zemljama iz kojih su<br />poticale, i, na kraju, da se na taj nacin bolje<br />osvetli politika ugarskih vladara prema<br />njihovim jugoistocnim susedima u srednjem<br />veku.</p> / <p>During the Middle Ages many members of the<br />dynasties from neighboring countries came to<br />Hungary, as well as from other European<br />countries. In this Ph.D. thesis members of the<br />dynasties from South Eastern Europe are<br />studied, that is from the Balkan countries<br />(Serbia, Bosnia, Byzantium, Bulgaria, Ottoman<br />Empire), those who stayed in the Kingdom of<br />Hungary during the period from 12th to the<br />early decades of the 16th century and were<br />involved in its state and legal system. The study<br />focuses on the Serbian župan and Hungarian<br />Palatine Belo&scaron; from the 12th century, his<br />contemporary Bosnian ban Boric and his<br />descendants, the sons of former Byzantine<br />Empress Margaret John Angel and William of<br />Saint Omer, Bosnian bans from the 13th<br />century, especially Prijezda I and his sons,<br />Serbian king Stefan Dragutin, Bosnian ban<br />Stjepan II Kotromanic and his daughter<br />Elizabeth, the wife of Hungarian King Lajos I,<br />then the sons of King Vuka&scaron;in Dimitar and<br />Andrija&scaron; (14th century), Despots Stefan<br />Lazarevic, George Brankovic and his<br />descendants, who became Serbian despots in<br />Hungary in the second half of the 15th century,<br />then Bosnian kings from Tvrtko I to Stefan<br />Toma&scaron;evic, Duke Vladislav Kosaca and his<br />successors, and finally, Bulgarian prince Fružin<br />and Ottoman princes Murat and Dawud Celebi.<br />Their position in medieval Hungary differed depending on the time and circumstances in</p><p>which they came to this country (marriage and<br />family ties between dynasties, exiled members<br />of royal families who have found refuge in<br />Hungary, the rulers of neighboring countries,<br />who had received estates in the Kingdom as<br />vassals of the Hungarian kings). The aim of the<br />study is to perceive, based on the data available<br />in historical sources, the position of members of<br />the dynasties from the South-East Europe in the<br />legal and political system of the Kingdom of<br />Hungary, their possessions, the roles that these<br />persons have played in Hungarian relations with<br />the countries from which they were originated,<br />and, finally, to better highlight policies of<br />Hungarian rulers to their southeastern neighbors<br />in the Middle Ages.</p>

This paper describes nationalism as a phenomenon that has become an integral part of Czech society in the 19th century and its manifestations. It describes the main motives Czech nationalist ideology created by T. G. Masaryk. It also described the political situation during the First World War and the circumstances of the independent Czechoslovak state and its share in breaking the Austro - Hungarian monarchy. The work deals with the problem of modernism in the Catholic Church, whose adherents later became the founder of the Church of Czechoslovakia. Briefly describes the lives of the founders of the church and their relationship to nationalist political movements. The core of the work is the analysis of texts relating to the reform movement of the Czech Catholic clergy and the Czechoslovak church, from the period between 1906 - 1931, which is determined by the definition of nationalism seeks to assess its impact on the formation and other life Czechoslovak Church.

No description available.