Lo studio propone un primo censimento delle fonti storiche e letterarie ungheresi, manoscritte e a stampa e redatte in lingua italiana o latina, conservate nelle biblioteche di Bergamo (Civica Angelo Mai) e Milano (Ambrosiana e Nazionale Braidense); spesso inediti, tali documenti costituiscono, accanto alle consuete fonti archivistiche, valide testimonianze delle profonde relazioni politiche e culturali stabilitesi tra la nazione italiana e quella ungherese nei secoli XV-XVII. Se nel fondo manoscritto dell’Ambrosiana è stato possibile rinvenire ben 284 "hungarica", 251 sono gli stampati reperiti nei fondi antichi delle tre biblioteche. Di tale materiale, suddiviso in due cataloghi, è stata fornita un’accurata descrizione bibliografica, preceduta da un capitolo introduttivo, in cui, individuate le antiche collocazioni dei documenti (tra le quali spicca la biblioteca padovana dell'erudito Gian Vincenzo Pinelli), si fornisce un’analisi delle diverse tipologie di fonti (suddivise nelle categorie: "Autori ungheresi"; "Avvisi e scritture relativi alla Lunga Guerra"; "Dedicatari ungheresi"; "Epistole, discorsi e orazioni"; "L’Ungheria nella leggenda"; "Testi con riferimento non esplicito all’Ungheria"; "Testi storici"; "Trattatistica") e si dà risalto ad alcune opere, che, tra numerosissime altre, ben si sono prestate a testimoniare i rapporti italo-magiari durante il Basso Medioevo e l’età moderna. / This study takes a first census of handwritten or printed historical and literary Hungarian sources, written in Italian or Latin, kept in the libraries of Bergamo – Civica Angelo Mai –, and Milan – Ambrosiana and Nazionale Braidense. Often unpublished, those documents make up, next to the usual archivial sources, valid evidence of the important political and cultural relations established inbetween the Italian and the Hungarian nations in the 15th-17th centuries. If it has been possible to find out 284 "hungarica" in the manuscripts of the Ambrosiana Library, 251 are the printed one found in the three libraries. A careful bibliographic work has been done describing this material, divided in two catalogues, with an introducing chapter which, once discovered the ancient classification of those documents – one of the most important is the Gian Vincenzo Pinelli’s library of Padua –, analyzes closely the different tipology of sources. These documents has been subdivided in classes: "Hungarian authors"; "Long war dispatches and writings"; "Hungarian dedicatees"; "Epistles, speeches and orations"; "Legendary Hungary"; "Texts not explicitly referred to Hungary"; "Historical texts"; "Treatises". Finally, some texts are emphasized, among many others, to give testimony of the Italian-Hungarian relations during early Middle Ages and Modern Age.

This dissertation explores the ways in which the everyday (in)securities of people in southwestern Ukraine can illuminate our understanding of contemporary political life. Rather than using traditional units of analysis or given categories—the state, the individual, identity—the dissertation focuses on relations between people in and connected to a single village to develop a novel framework for analyzing politics and the political. The dissertation opens with an interrogation of the practical and theoretical challenges associated with current conceptualizations of security; our understanding of the political; and the role of ethnography in theorization and presents a research design meant to address those challenges. Drawing upon extensive participant-observation and other immersion-based research in a post-Soviet borderland wedged between Ukraine and Slovakia, and using an analytical tool I call “togetherness,” the thesis presents an ethnographic account of social interactions, economy, and authority in this largely Hungarian-speaking rural area. The third part of the dissertation applies the idea of an ontological shift and draws on complex systems and structuration theory (Luhmann and Giddens, respectively) to rethink the ethnographic analysis and to highlight relationships between structural and existential realms of political life. Here, the concept of security becomes central to the theorization, and the overall argument illuminates the intimate relationship between the idea of security and the political. Ultimately, this approach allows us to expand the scope of political ethnography: theorizing beyond thick description; integrating broader perspectives without losing the texture of the local; and developing an approach to research that can be replicated in other settings.

This dissertation explores the ways in which the everyday (in)securities of people in southwestern Ukraine can illuminate our understanding of contemporary political life. Rather than using traditional units of analysis or given categories—the state, the individual, identity—the dissertation focuses on relations between people in and connected to a single village to develop a novel framework for analyzing politics and the political. The dissertation opens with an interrogation of the practical and theoretical challenges associated with current conceptualizations of security; our understanding of the political; and the role of ethnography in theorization and presents a research design meant to address those challenges. Drawing upon extensive participant-observation and other immersion-based research in a post-Soviet borderland wedged between Ukraine and Slovakia, and using an analytical tool I call “togetherness,” the thesis presents an ethnographic account of social interactions, economy, and authority in this largely Hungarian-speaking rural area. The third part of the dissertation applies the idea of an ontological shift and draws on complex systems and structuration theory (Luhmann and Giddens, respectively) to rethink the ethnographic analysis and to highlight relationships between structural and existential realms of political life. Here, the concept of security becomes central to the theorization, and the overall argument illuminates the intimate relationship between the idea of security and the political. Ultimately, this approach allows us to expand the scope of political ethnography: theorizing beyond thick description; integrating broader perspectives without losing the texture of the local; and developing an approach to research that can be replicated in other settings.

The diploma thesis is concerned with the problems of PPP projects (Public Private Partnership) in the countries of Visegrad Four. The term PPP can be understood as a cooperation of public and private sector. The principal aim of cooperation is to ensure public infrastructure and services. First part of thesis characterizes coutries of Visegrad Four, explains principles and benefits of PPP and informs about main countries and sectors in which PPP projects are realized. The core of the thesis is the fourth chapter which analyzes and evaluates V4 coutries on the basis of several criteria (legislation, institutional support, methodics and realized projects) and attempts to find out if those criteria influence the implementation and number of PPP projects in V4. Final part points out that PPP projects can be helpful for states in times of financial crisis to finance services or infrastructure if they do not have enough money.

The goal of this study is to describe the way Austria-Hungary followed to create and develop a modern navy in 1897-1914, and to determine, which factors were decisive in creating the final composition of the fleet. As the base for the research, a number of works related to the subject were studied, but far more important was detailed research of primary sources located in Austrian State Archives. The main line of the research as well as of this study follows negotiations on navy's budgets because of the assumption that the very base for building ships and developing the navy are financial resources. Among the more important subtopics are the way the navy had to award producers form both state, Austria and Hungary, with adequate portion of contracts, the Austro-Italian naval arms race, and the structure of the Austro- Hungarian fleet. The research revealed, that the ideal fleet as imagined by the commanders of the navy was a product of theories concerning a decisive battle and naval supremacy then widely widespread, and of the rivalry with Italy. However, the extent to which the ideal could have been followed, depended on the economic situation of both states; in the process of discussing and voting navy's budgets, the decisive word belonged to governments, not to delegations. The way the navy had...

Liberale politische Veränderungen in der Habsburgermonarchie zu Ende der 1860er und Anfang der 1870er Jahre, gegeben durch die Dezember-Verfassung von 1867 und die folgende Schulgesetze schufen den notwendigen rechtlichen Rahmen für die Gründung deutscher und tschechischer Schulvereine, die durch den Bau der sogenannten "Minderheitenschulen" jeweils eine einsprachige nationale Schulbildung in Böhmen durchsetzten. Bald wurden lokale Organisationen von den zentralen Schulvereinen abgelöst, nämlich dem Deutschen Schulverein und der Ústřední Matice Školská in Prag. Beide Organisationen wurden 1880 gegründet, um Schulen in sprachlich und damit national umkämpften Regionen entlang der sogenannten "Sprachgrenze" zu errichten. Diese Studie behandelt die Dynamik des nationalen Wettbewerbs um die Schulbildung vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg und vergleicht die Aktivitäten dieser beiden Vereine vor dem Hintergrund der politischen Demokratisierung, Massenmobilisierung und sozialen Frage der Fin de Siècle-Zeit. Die vergleichende Analyse von Proklamationen, Aktivitäten und politischen Kontakten der konkurrierenden nationalen Schulvereine zielt darauf ab, Thesen über die Position und Bedeutung dieser Organisationen zu revidieren und ihre sehr enge Abhängigkeit von sozialen und politischen Prozessen der...

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Family life is organized by rules, and most of them are unspokenly agreed-upon by family members and may be even out of awareness. Implicit family process and couple rules may facilitate or constrain family relationship and intimate couple relationship growth. Prevalence of family rules may be different across cultures. Family members may perceive their rules and family functioning differently according to their family position and gender. Married couples may view their relationship rules differently than couples who cohabit. This study utilized the Family Implicit Rules Profile (FIRP) and the Couples Implicit Rules Profile (CIRP) Questionnaires to answer these research questions. The questionnaires were translated into Hungarian, and the content validity of the Hungarian translation was established. Hungarian non-clinical families and couples were compared to American (U.S.) non-clinical families and couples to examine how prevalent implicit rules were in the two cultures. According to the findings, Hungarian families and couples scored lower on the total FIRP and CIRP scores. Hungarian families perceived implicit family rules regarding kindness and monitoring less prevalent, and rules regarding constraining their thoughts, feelings and self more prevalent than American families. No differences were found in expressiveness and connection and inappropriate caretaking of parents between the two cultures. Hungarian couples perceived their implicit relationship rules regarding kindness, expressiveness and connection and monitoring less prevalent than American couples. No differences in implicit rules about constraining thoughts, feelings and self and inappropriate caretaking of partner were found between the two cultures. Mothers in both cultures viewed their families in a more positive light than other family members, and female family members (mothers and daughters) were more positive than their male counterparts (fathers and sons) about rules in their families in both cultures. Sons in both cultures perceived more responsibility to protect their parents emotionally than did daughters. Married couples in both cultures perceived their relationship rules more favorably in terms of kindness and monitoring than cohabiting couples. Results were interpreted in the context of cultural differences between the American and the Hungarian cultures. Limitations and the possibility of future research are discussed.

Regardless of culture, socio-economic background, and quality of life, all students deserve the highest quality of education. But the reality is, many education systems around the world do not offer it. Investing in structural reforms in education has the potential to boost economic growth in countries around the world. By learning from different education systems strengths and weaknesses, policy decisions can be made that ensure students are given the opportunity for higher educational outcomes. This study analyzes high, middle, and low quality education systems around the world and the infrastructures that lead to educational success or failure. Fifteen education systems are chosen for this study which includes Shanghai-China, Singapore, Japan, Finland, Canada, Portugal, United States, Luxembourg, Spain, Hungry, Brazil, Argentina, Indonesia, Qatar, and Peru. Each system is analyzed in terms of its teacher quality, curriculum, school system structure, and educational equity. From this study, it appears that there is a high-correlation between four indicators and top- educational success. These four indicators include having a highly selective model for hiring teachers, recruiting teachers from a top-pool of graduates, having a high-level of prestige held for teachers in society, and insuring students of low socio-economic status are given equal educational opportunities for success. Recommendations for a new teacher training and selection model are discussed based on the top four indicators. These recommendations could cause educational gains for both the United States and other systems around the world.

<p>The two Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 marked a new chapter in the EU’s history, since it was the first time that the Union turned to enlarge eastwards. This thesis examines the borderline problem that arose with Article 49 of the <em>Maastricht</em> <em>Treaty on the European Union</em>, which gave the right to <em>any European country</em> that respects the principles of: liberty, democracy, human and fundamental rights, and the rule of law, to apply for membership in the EU.</p><p> </p><p>This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem by taking on three case studies consisting of Hungary, Lithuania, and Ukraine, for the purpose of analyzing the Eastern enlargement and Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU. The reason for doing so is to compare Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member in the EU with two Eastern states that, like Ukraine, have been involved with the Soviet Union, and that despite their degree of involvement, have been successfully integrated in the EU.</p><p> </p><p>As the EU has turned to enlarge eastwards, it gradually pushes its borderline with every enlargement, closer to Russian territory. Hence, it is necessary to investigate how potential integration of a country like Ukraine can affect the EU’s relations with Russia. The crucial aspect of the current relations between the EU and Russia is the interdependence of energy, where Ukraine is as a strategically important country, since it currently serves as a corridor between East (Russia) and West (EU). This thesis therefore shows that the problematic of potential integration of Ukraine goes much deeper than that of a geographical matter, and therefore touches other problem areas related to domestic political instability in Ukraine, and Russian political influence through its gas supplies.</p><p> </p><p>This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem from a foreign political perspective by investigating Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU and suggesting, by the assistance of Westberg’s theoretical framework of integration theories, a third generation of integration theories to be needed in order to meet the problematic of the enlargement towards East. The thesis further gives recommendations to how the EU could deal with its borderline problem by answering three research questions related to the enlargement problematic.</p> / <p>De två östutvidgningarna 2004 och 2007 utgjorde ett nytt kapitel i EU:s historia då det var första gången som Unionen påbörjade utvidgningen mot Öst. Denna uppsats undersöker gränsproblematiken som uppkom i samband med Artikel 49 i <em>Maastricht</em> <em>Fördraget om Europeiska Unionen</em>, vilken gav rätten till varje Europeiskt land som respekterar principerna om: frihet, demokrati, mänskliga och fundamentala rättigheter, samt rättsstat, att ansöka om medlemskap i EU.</p><p> </p><p>Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem genom att ta sig an tre fallstudier bestående av Ungern, Litauen, och Ukraina, i syfte att analysera östutvidgningen och Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU ur ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv. Anledningen till detta är att jämföra Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU med två öststater som, i likhet med Ukraina, har varit involverade i Sovjet Unionen, men som oberoende graden av involvering med Ryssland, framgångsrikt blivit integrerade i EU.</p><p> </p><p>Eftersom EU påbörjat utvidgningen mot Öst så förskjuts EU:s gräns gradvis, med varje östutvidgning, nära ryskt territorium. Därmed är det nödvändigt att utreda hur potentiell integrering av ett land som Ukraina kan påverka EU:s relationer med Ryssland. Den avgörande aspekten när det gäller relationerna mellan EU och Ryssland, är det ömsesidiga beroendet kring energi, där Ukraina utgör ett strategiskt viktigt land, eftersom det för närvarande verkar som en korridor mellan Öst (Ryssland) och Väst (EU). Denna uppsats visar att problematiken kring potentiell integrering av Ukraina rör problemområden bortom geografisk natur, så som inhemskt politisk instabilitet i Ukraina, samt Rysslands politiska inflytande genom energiförsörjning till Europa.</p><p> </p><p>Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem från ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv genom att utreda Ukrainas potentiella medlemskap i EU. Den föreslår, med hjälp av Westbergs integrationsteoretiska ramverk, att en tredje generation av integrationsteorier är nödvändig för att analysera problematiken kring utvidgningen mot Öst. Uppsatsen ger rekommendationer till hur EU kan hantera sitt gränsproblem genom att svara på tre frågeställningar gällande utvidgningsproblematiken.</p>