No description available.

Les relations entre la France et la Hongrie ont été, au fil de l’histoire, placées à la fois sous le signe de la complexité et celui de l’ambiguïté, souvent marquées par une certaine distance et parfois empreintes de ressentiments. Au cours de l'époque de l'époque moderne, l'occupation turque, puis la longue association de la Hongrie aux Habsbourgs ont contribué à dresser, entre les deux pays, des barrières, et à freiner le développement de liens plus conséquents. De manière similaire, au cours du XXe siècle, alors que beaucoup de facteurs géographiques, culturels ou humains auraient du conduire la France à nouer avec la Hongrie les mêmes rapports de confiance et d'amitié qu'avec les autres capitales d'Europe centre-orientale, les deux Guerres mondiales – et les périodes révisionnistes et communistes qui les ont suivis en Hongrie –, mais aussi la profonde blessure infligée aux Hongrois par le traité du Trianon, ont constamment rejeté les deux États dans des camps opposés et contribué à créer, dans un pays dont l'intelligentsia était pourtant historiquement prompte à « tourner son regard vers Paris », le mythe d'un « amour sans retour » envers la France. Longtemps considérée comme une zone d'influence germanique exclusive, la Hongrie ne représenta ainsi jamais réellement un partenaire privilégié pour la France à l'est du continent et les relations entre les deux pays demeurèrent très largement irrégulières et dissymétriques. Dans ces conditions, les bouleversements des années 1989-1990, tout en offrant l'occasion de redessiner un nouveau paysage européen tourné vers l'avenir, ont autorisé la possibilité d'un nouveau départ des rapports entre les deux États. En se plaçant dans la lignée des recherches réalisées sur les relations entre la France et la Hongrie au cours du XXe siècle, ce travail offre une première analyse du resserrement global des liens entre les deux États dans un contexte nouveau. En partant du constat que les relations franco-hongroises changent de dimension à partir de 1989 – une transformation qui est exposée et analysée – ce travail cherche à comprendre si cette mutation représente la marque d’une modification de la nature réelle de la politique française en Hongrie, alors même que celle-ci n’avait été jusqu’alors traitée que comme une périphérie globalisée dans le cadre d’une « politique de l’Est » très large, et d'autre part si la période marque la fin des absences de Marianne en Hongrie et de plus de « 300 ans d’amour impossible » entre les deux pays. Au crépuscule de la guerre froide et à l'aube de l'élargissement de l'UE, face à l'ampleur des rattrapages à effectuer et à la pesanteur des stéréotypes à surpasser, les années 1989-2004 marquent-elles la fin des relations ambiguës et asymétriques entre la France et la Hongrie et le commencement d'une nouvelle ère des relations franco-hongroises ? Le travail se décompose en quatre parties : une mise en perspective générale du sujet et une première analyse de l'idée de « nouveau départ », une étude de l'évolution des relations culturelles entre les deux États, un développement sur le renforcement des liens économiques bilatéraux, et enfin une étude des relations entre les deux pays à la lumière de la question de l'élargissement euroatlantique. / Throughout history, relations between France and Hungary have been complex and ambiguous, often characterized by a certain distance and sometimes marked by a genuine resentment. During the early modern period, the Turkish occupation and the long association of Hungary to the Habsburg Empire certainly contributed to building barriers between the two states and thus to slowing down the development of stronger ties. In a similar manner, during the 20th century, even though many factors  – geographical, cultural, as well as societal – should have led France to develop a similar relationship of confidence and friendship with Hungary as those it had with other central European capitals, the two World Wars – and the revisionist and communist periods that followed in Hungary – as well as the deep “injury” inflicted on the Hungarians by the Treaty of Trianon have constantly pushed both states into opposing camps. In a country where the intelligentsia was historically quick to “look towards Paris”, these factors and events contributed to creating the myth of an “impossible love” between the two countries. Considered for a very long time as a German zone of influence, Hungary never really represented a favored partner for France in the eastern part of the continent, and the relations between the countries remained largely irregular and asymmetrical. Under these conditions, the major upheavals of the years 1989-1990, while offering an opportunity to redesign a new Europe, also allowed a chance for a new start in French-Hungarian relations. This thesis provides the first analysis of the overall strengthening of French-Hungarian relations in this new historical context. Starting with the observation that French-Hungarian relations undergo a change of dimension from 1989 – a transformation that will be discussed and analyzed – our work tries to understand on the one hand whether this mutation represents a modification of the real nature of French foreign policy towards Hungary, given that the country was mostly treated until then as part of the global periphery; and, on the other hand, whether this period marks the end of an absent France in Hungary. At the twilight of the Cold War and the dawn of the EU's enlargement, does the period from 1989 to 2004 mark the end of an ambiguous and asymmetrical relationship between France and Hungary and the start of a new era for French-Hungarian relations? The thesis is divided into four main parts : the first part provides a general overview of the topic and tests the idea of a “new beginning” of French-Hungarian relations. The second part delivers an analysis of the evolution of cultural relations between the two countries from 1989 to 2004. The third part is dedicated to the strengthening of economic ties between the two states. Finally, the last part studies the evolution of the relations between the two countries throughout the process of the EU and NATO's enlargement.

This study analyzes narratives of individual Jewish experiences of discrimination and genocidal violence in Hungary during the period of 1920–1945. The aim is to increase our knowledge and understanding of the events through an investigation of survivor testimonies concerning anti-Jewish laws and the Holocaust. The main focus is on how survivors perceived the treatment to which they and their fellow Jews were exposed, and how they responded to the persecution they faced. Perceptions and responses are analyzed through multiple factors such as gender, age, social class, and geographical place. The period under investigation stretches from 1920, when the law of Numerus Clausus (a quota system influencing admission to universities) was introduced, until the end of the Second World War in early 1945. Focus is placed on the war years, especially on 1944, the year of German occupation and the fascist Arrow Cross rule. Experiences from the labour service system, the Jewish houses in Budapest, and the ghettos, as well as of hiding and resistance, are some of the recurring themes which are examined here. Extensive interviews, along with eyewitness reports and memoirs, form the empirical basis of the study. The results demonstrate the complexity of individual experiences during times of upheaval, and the importance of the above factors is evident within the testimonies. The survivors’ experiences greatly depended on gender, age, social class, geographical place, civil status, religious orientation, as well as “race”. However, the importance of the different factors changed over time. For instance, in the beginning of this period, discrimination had a direct impact on adult males, while children, women, and the elderly were indirectly affected. Furthermore, persons belonging to the upper classes could circumvent the anti-Jewish laws in various ways. Ultimately, differences in treatment decreased, according to the testimonies. Women, children, and the elderly also became victims, as did individuals from all social classes.

The topic of my thesis focuses on the phenomenon of popular music in the area of Central Europe, which in the 20th century had been characterized by the presence of the ruling Communist ideology. The work will be based primarily on popular music and its changes in the 70s and 80s of 20th century in Hungary. The issue will be approached from cultural- historical perspective and its focus will be tension between the official cultural program and the need to respond to the requirements of the recipient at the time. Basic structure consists of the situation in Hungary, which will be compared to the situation in Czechoslovakia, there will be outlined the main common points that have an impact on Central European culture and politics, as well as the specifics of the Hungarian situation. Also the relation to the export of Hungarian popular music abroad will be mentioned.

This diploma thesis deals with the development of trade relations within the Central European area, with a particular focus on the Czech-Polish, Czech-Hungarian and Hungarian-Polish business cooperation. The first part is focused on the analysis of documents of cooperation (with particular emphasis on the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza, Polityka, Rzeczpospolita, Wprost) and will dedicate a historical reflection of demonstrable commercial relations between the countries in the region. Emphasis will be placed into a period of the 20th and 21st centuries, will not remain unnoticed such phenomena, such as the transition from a centrally planned economy to a market economy, and the phenomenon of traditional Polish-Hungarian friendship that significantly, both in the past and currently exhibited not only in business cooperation. The second part will be focused on the analysis of daily practice, particularly through sociology and economics will focus on the analysis of the specific impact of inflation and taxes, or the issue of unemployment in these countries (CZ, PL, HU). In this section, we will explore the narrow time constraints, particularly the years 2006-2013, a period in which we can observe the effects of the global financial crisis. In this work, we will see how a selected group of printing...

The master thesis Periodical Press in the Kutná Hora Region during the period 1918 - 1948 focuses on the changes of the structure of periodical press in the Kutná Hora region in the specified time range. First, the definition of the Kutná Hora region with its demographic and geographic characteristics is provided. As the structure of the periodical press in the Kutná Hora region during the era of the First Republic was based on the situation before the First World War, the landscape of the media of the Kutná Hora region before 1918 is described. Kutná Hora region had been already rich in periodical press of political parties as well as the press of non-political organizations in that time and the same situation applies also for the interwar period. After the Munich agreement until the beginning of the occupation of Czechoslovakia the structure of the political press was changing at first and finally all the periodicals of political parties ceased to exist. By the march 1943, also the press of the non-political organization disappeared. In 1945 the richness of the prewar periodical press situation was not renewed. Most of the political parties shifted their weekly newspapers away from the Kutná Hora region and the non-political organizations were not allowed to publish their magazine due to the lack of...

The thesis deals with the process of economic transition and its results in Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic a the Slovak Republic, i.e. countries of Visegrad four. The paper describes the functioning of centrally planned economy and the general process of transition to a market economy. It also mentions different theoretical approaches. Furthermore it analyses the development of transition reforms in particular countries and compares the results of individual transition strategies.

The main contribution of this work is to evaluate the competitive position of the Czech Republic within the Visegrad countries and its weaknesses and threats related to the international competitiveness, or competitiveness in the Central European region.

Le traité de paix signé en 1920 à Trianon, réduisant des deux-tiers le territoire et la population de la Hongrie vaincue, engendre une crise diplomatique franco-hongroise. Ce contentieux a-t-il eu un impact sur l’enseignement du français et sur la représentation de la culture française en Hongrie ? La réforme de l’enseignement secondaire de 1924 introduit le français, l’anglais et l’italien à côté de l’allemand obligatoire. On constate alors un essor spectaculaire du français dans les lycées. Cet essor ainsi que la création du premier lycée bilingue français-hongrois montrent l’influence de la culture française et le rôle actif des diplomates français en poste à Budapest malgré les consignes restrictives de Paris. Le Collège Eötvös, créé en 1895 sur le modèle français de l’École Normale Supérieure joue aussi un rôle déterminant dans la formation d’une élite enseignante francophone et francophile. L’approche allemande Kulturkunde, visant l’étude de l’esprit d’un peuple à travers sa littérature, pénètre dans les cercles pédagogiques hongrois. L’accueil est ouvert mais réservé quant aux dérives nationalistes possibles. L’analyse des manuels de français montre que les auteurs inscrivent cette approche dans la tradition francophile de l’élite intellectuelle hongroise en reliant la représentation de l’esprit français aux valeurs humanistes universelles véhiculées par la littérature française. L’absence d’amalgame entre culture et politique, l’attitude distanciée et humaine des enseignants hongrois, dont certains avaient même souffert personnellement de la situation politique entre la France et la Hongrie, montrent que des choix individuels peuvent transcender les contingences politiques et les dérives méthodologiques. / The peace treaty signed at Trianon in 1920 reduced by two-thirds the territory and population of defeated Hungary, thus creating a French-Hungarian diplomatic crisis. Might this strife had an impact on French language teaching and on the way French culture was depicted in textbooks? Actually, in 1924, a secondary education reform provided the possibility to learn English, French and Italian besides compulsory German. The result is a huge rise of French language in secondary schools. This rise and also the creation of the first French bilingual school show how influent French culture was in the country and how French diplomats in Budapest supported the reform in spite of limitative instructions from Foreign Office in Paris. Eötvös College, created in 1895 on the model of French Ecole Normale Supérieure, played also a decisive role in French teachers’ training and in the growth of a French-speaking elite. The german Kulturkunde approach, aimed to study the “mind or esprit of a nation” in teaching literature, penetrates into Hungarian educational circles. Hungarian teachers welcomed this new approach but expressed reserves about possible nationalistic drifts. The analysis of French textbooks shows that the authors applied Kulturkunde by making a strict distinction between politics and culture and by associating it with the humanist and universal values conveyed by French culture, in accordance with the francophile tradition of the Hungarian intellectual elite. The balanced and kind attitude of the Hungarian teachers, some of whom had to suffer personally from the political situation between France and Hungary, shows that individual choices can transcend political contingencies and methodological drifts.

Au début du XVIIIe siècle, la Hongrie et les Pays-Bas méridionaux sont l’objet de la convoitise de la diplomatie française. Ces provinces périphériques de l’Empire habsbourgeois s’opposent aux politiques de centralisation menées par Madrid et Vienne. Afin de réaliser ses ambitions dynastiques, Louis XIV utilise ce contexte pour déstabiliser ces territoires dans le cadre d’une guerre de Succession d’Espagne engendrée par le décès de Charles II d’Espagne, le premier novembre 1700. Le Roi-Soleil mobilise ses armées et ses diplomates, dans la continuité des alliances de revers forgées lors des siècles précédents. Le marquis des Alleurs et le président Pierre Rouillé de Marbeuf, agents de Louis XIV, mi-espions, mi-ambassadeurs, sont respectivement envoyés en Hongrie auprès du prince hongrois rebelle François Rakóczi et aux Pays-Bas méridionaux aux côtés du gouverneur général de la province et maître de l’Électorat de Bavière, Maximilien-Emmanuel de Wittelsbach. Loin du fracas des champs de bataille de la guerre de Succession d’Espagne, une guerre de l’ombre se fait plus dure. La quête du renseignement devient la préoccupation croissante des cours européennes. La confidentialité des correspondances épistolaires est l’objet de toutes les attentions. Cette étude a l’ambition de retracer le cadre des ambitions françaises en Hongrie et aux Pays-Bas méridionaux au début du XVIIIe siècle. Les alliances de revers et les manœuvres militaires de la guerre de Succession d’Espagne replacent ces deux pays d’Europe au cœur des luttes dynastiques, diplomatiques, et militaires opposant les Bourbons et les Habsbourg pour la domination de l’Europe. / At the beginning of the 18th century, Hungary and the Southern Netherlands are coveted by the French diplomacy. Those peripheral provinces of The Habsburg Empire oppose the centralization policy lead by Madrid and Vienna. In order to realize his dynastic ambitions, Louis XIV uses this context to destabilize these territories during the War of the Spanish Succession triggered by the death of the last Habsburg King of Spain, Charles II, the first November 1700. Louis XIV mobilizes his army and his ambassadors in the continuity of the foreign alliances « Alliance de revers » that have been conducted during centuries. The marquis des Alleurs and the president Pierre Rouillé de Marbeuf, agents of Louis XIV, half spy, half ambassadors, are respectively send in Hungary nearby the rebel prince François Rakoczi and in the Southern Netherlands nearby the general governor of the province and Elector of Bavaria, Maximilien-Emmanuel de Wittelsbach. Far from the din of the battlefield of the Spanish Succession, another war hardens. The battle for information’s became the first preoccupation of European courts. The confidentiality of the epistolary correspondences is a crucial object of attention. The purpose of this study is to define the framework of the French ambitions in Hungary and the Southern Netherlands at the beginning of the 18th century. The « alliance de revers » and military moves during the War of the Spanish Succession replace those two European countries at the heart of dynastic, diplomatic and military conflicts opposing the Bourbon’s and the Habsburg’s for European hegemony.