Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur gestaltningen kring nätaktivistgruppen Anonymous rapporterades kring i Dagens Nyheter, The New York Times, och The Guardian mellan 2008-01-16 och 2015-03-30. Studien bygger främst på en kvantitativ innehållsanalys men har även en mindre kvalitativ del där en exempeltext från varje tidning har analyserats. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur medier rapporterar kring, och gestaltar grupper som saknar traditionell hierarki. De frågeställningar som besvaras är följande: Hur tenderar artiklarna att gestaltas i form av språk och valens, och skiljer det sig mellan tidningarna? Vilka källor och aktörer tas med i artiklarna? Är artiklarna skrivna av egna reportrar eller externa nyhetsbyråer och skiljer det sig något mellan tidningarna? Studien utgår från den sociala konstruktionsteorin som Stuart Hall definierade den. Samt framingteorin med definitioner av Erving Goffman och Robert Entman. Den senare i samband med förklaringarna av Jostein Gripsrud, Stuart Hall, Martin Conboy, och Adam Shehata. I motsats till författarnas förförståelse visade studien att artiklarna var neutralt gestaltade. Språkbruket var likväl neutralt. Anonymous i koppling med andra var vanligast både som källa och aktör. Både The Guardian och Dagens Nyheter var neutrala i sina val av frames, men The New York Times var negativ i majoriteten av artiklarna. Nästan samtliga artiklar var helt eller delvis skrivna av en namngiven skribent, vilket tolkades som att de var skrivna av tidningarnas egna reportrar. Tidigare forskning pekar på att Anonymous aktiviteter går att klassa som civil olydnad, men studien visar att de tre utvalda tidningarna inte nödvändigtvis gestaltar dem på det sättet.

This dissertation scrutinizes expressivist theories of first-person privilege with the aim of arriving at, first, a handful of suggestions about how a `best version' of expressivism about privilege will have to look, and second, a critical understanding of what such an approach's strengths and weaknesses will be. Roughly, expressivist approaches to the problem of privilege are characterized, first, by their emphasis on the likenesses between privileged mental state self-ascriptions and natural behavioral expressions of mentality, and second, by their insistence that an acknowledgment of these likenesses is required in order properly to understand the characteristically singular privilege with which one speaks of one's own mental states. The dissertation proceeds in five chapters whose individual tasks are as follows: The first chapter sets out the definition of the phenomena of "first-person privilege" in use throughout the dissertation and defends the claim that those phenomena are indeed real and so the philosophical problem of accounting for them is indeed serious. However, there is no presupposition made against the possibility of an expressivist account of the phenomena of first-person privilege. The second chapter sets out the basic motivations informing expressivist approaches to the problem of first-person privilege. Four immediate and significant questions for the expressivist approach are set out. The chapter also considers one `simple' way of responding to those questions and set outs the most pressing difficulties for a `simple expressivism'. The third chapter sets out my view of Wittgenstein as a methodically non-theorizing philosopher, criticizes rival views and, finally, sets out my view of the Wittgensteinian responses to the four questions set out in chapter two, given my view of him as a philosophical non-theorizer. Many of the later suggestions about a `best version' of expressivism draw directly on my best understanding of Wittgenstein's own approach to the problem of first-person privilege. The fourth chapter sets out David Finkelstein's, Peter Hacker's and Dorit Bar-On's responses to the quartet of questions for expressivists about first-person privilege, while flagging a number concerns for each author's approach. The final chapter condenses and reviews the concerns already raised for the expressivist approaches already canvassed and makes a number of suggestions about the most viable expressivist options for dealing with them. With that in place, the last chapter proceeds to comment on the overall plausibility of the sketch of a `best-version' of expressivism that emerges. Also, concerns to do with the relationship between expressivism about first-person privilege, epistemological foundationalism, content externalism and the mind-body problem are discussed.

No description available.

The scale of modern surveillance and the debate surrounding its nature have become expansively complex. Consequently, the field of communication and surveillance studies represent a critical area of scholarship with interwoven academic, policy and social implications. This thesis, a critical ideological study of modern surveillance founded upon an empirical study, draws on participant observation, militant ethnography and semistructured interviews as research methods. From a participant insider perspective, it explores and interprets the experiences, meanings and views of counter-surveillance actors targeted by surveillance based on participant observation and militant ethnography conducted during the 2017 Chaos Communication Congress in Leipzig and the 2019 Chaos Communication Camp in Mildenberg, Germany. Drawing on Jeffrey Juris’ militant ethnography and based on the participants’ own experiences in resisting modern surveillance, I focus on the lessons learned from those belonging to the third-wave of privacy activism. Through their personal experiences, this research reveals control strategies, lessons learned and views of privacy activists, hacktivists and civic-hackers on the state of modern surveillance. This thesis concludes that the current symbiotic nature of the state-corporate surveillance and disinformation nexus means any legislative solution to be unlikely.

No description available.

<p>Den här rapporten tar upp ett annorlunda hot mot informationssäkerheten, som inte hårdvara</p><p>eller mjukvara kan stoppa. Detta hot kallas för social-engineering, och det som gör detta hot</p><p>farligt är att de anställda och chefer i en organisation, kan hjälpa utövaren av socialengineering</p><p>utan att de själva vet om det.</p><p>Det går inte att förhindra att dessa attacker sker, men man kan förhindra de negativa</p><p>konsekvenserna av en sådan attack. Denna rapport tar upp hur man ska göra för att en</p><p>organisation ska kunna fortsätta med sin verksamhet, efter en attack av social-engineering. I</p><p>värsta fall kan en attack av social-engineering innebära att ett företag aldrig återhämtar sig.</p><p>Detta kan bero på att organisationen har förlorat alla sina kunder, förlorat marknads andelar,</p><p>eller för att de ansvariga och viktiga personerna i organisationen har blivit dömda för</p><p>oaktsamhet och sitter i fängelse.</p><p>Denna rapport ska informera och få er att vara uppmärksamma och medvetna om dessa</p><p>hot, som ni kanske inte vet finns. Ni ska få kunskap och lära er känna igen de olika</p><p>förklädnaderna en utövare av social-engineering antar.</p> / <p>This paper discusses a different threat against information security, which can not be</p><p>prevented by either hardware or software. This Threat is called social engineering and the</p><p>main issue that makes this threat so dangerous is that the victims, like executives and the</p><p>employees in an organization are not aware that they actually helps the practician of social</p><p>engineering.</p><p>These attacks can not be avoided, but there is a way to prevent negative consequences of</p><p>such an attack. This paper discusses how an organization can manage to continue with the</p><p>activity, despite an attack of social engineering. In worse case the scenarios of an attack of</p><p>social engineering can mean that an organization never fully recovers. The different scenarios</p><p>of this can be as following. The organization could lose all the clients, they could have lost</p><p>market share or the responsible important people in the organization could be convicted and</p><p>sent to jail.</p><p>This paper will make you aware of these threats that you might even don’t know exists.</p><p>You will be given the knowledge to be able to recognize de different disguises a practician of</p><p>social engineering can assume.</p>

This dissertation analyzes the solipsism subject in Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus by Wittgenstein, exploring its possible interpretations and the result of each of them. While solipsism is held to be true and likely to match the realism, although it is not possible to be approached by the language with meaning, which is carried forward in the mystical and showed fields and where we encounter the metaphysical subject, the one that thinks, represents but does not exist as object alongside other objects. Since then, we will demonstrate that it is not possible for Wittgenstein to use the term solipsism in a usual manner, but in a different format, where it can be conceivable the me (solipsism) and the world (realism) simultaneously and in harmony, and the acceptance of other minds in the world. Thus being able to know the truth of solipsism through the mystical feeling. / A presente dissertação analisa o tema do solipsismo no Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus de Wittgenstein, explorando algumas possíveis interpretações e suas decorrências. O solipsismo é tido como verdadeiro e passível de coincidir com o realismo, mesmo não sendo possível de ser abordado pela linguagem com sentido, o que o faz transitar pelos campos do místico e do mostrável, onde nos deparamos com o sujeito metafísico, aquele que pensa, representa mas não existe como um objeto ao lado dos demais. Tentaremos mostrar não ser possível para o Wittgenstein do Tractatus fazer uso do termo solipsismo de uma forma usual, mas sim de uma forma diferenciada, onde possa ser concebível o eu (solipsismo) e o mundo (realismo) ao mesmo tempo e em harmonia, bem como a aceitação de outras mentes no mundo, podendo-se, assim, conhecer a verdade do solipsismo através do sentimento místico.

Den här rapporten tar upp ett annorlunda hot mot informationssäkerheten, som inte hårdvara eller mjukvara kan stoppa. Detta hot kallas för social-engineering, och det som gör detta hot farligt är att de anställda och chefer i en organisation, kan hjälpa utövaren av socialengineering utan att de själva vet om det. Det går inte att förhindra att dessa attacker sker, men man kan förhindra de negativa konsekvenserna av en sådan attack. Denna rapport tar upp hur man ska göra för att en organisation ska kunna fortsätta med sin verksamhet, efter en attack av social-engineering. I värsta fall kan en attack av social-engineering innebära att ett företag aldrig återhämtar sig. Detta kan bero på att organisationen har förlorat alla sina kunder, förlorat marknads andelar, eller för att de ansvariga och viktiga personerna i organisationen har blivit dömda för oaktsamhet och sitter i fängelse. Denna rapport ska informera och få er att vara uppmärksamma och medvetna om dessa hot, som ni kanske inte vet finns. Ni ska få kunskap och lära er känna igen de olika förklädnaderna en utövare av social-engineering antar. / This paper discusses a different threat against information security, which can not be prevented by either hardware or software. This Threat is called social engineering and the main issue that makes this threat so dangerous is that the victims, like executives and the employees in an organization are not aware that they actually helps the practician of social engineering. These attacks can not be avoided, but there is a way to prevent negative consequences of such an attack. This paper discusses how an organization can manage to continue with the activity, despite an attack of social engineering. In worse case the scenarios of an attack of social engineering can mean that an organization never fully recovers. The different scenarios of this can be as following. The organization could lose all the clients, they could have lost market share or the responsible important people in the organization could be convicted and sent to jail. This paper will make you aware of these threats that you might even don’t know exists. You will be given the knowledge to be able to recognize de different disguises a practician of social engineering can assume.

Orientador: Thomas Patrick Dwyer / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T01:14:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Batalha_MarcelodaLuz_M.pdf: 4525323 bytes, checksum: 7b2582c21c2f00cec1d2766cab1a8c28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa resulta de uma investigação sobre os repertórios de ação política do Centro de Mídia Independente, uma rede de ativista organizada e distribuída através da rede mundial de computadores. A proposta de investigação dirige-se à relação entre os movimentos sociais e a mídia, no que conforma uma nova estrutura de comunicação e recurso material com o advento da Internet e a sua apropriação pelos movimentos sociais e grupos ativistas. Através do Centro de Mídia Independente se teoriza sobre a cultura hacker, seus fundamentos e orientações morais e éticas de acesso, abertura e compartilhamento coletivo do conhecimento e informação, fundamentados pelo movimento do software livre. Esses princípios éticos e a prática ativista para fins políticos colocam desafios às instituições estabelecidas como os Estados e a mídia de massa. Sobremaneira, essas instituições estão a reorientar a geopolítica do ciberespaço, se justificando principalmente pelos acontecimentos do 11 de setembro, em que se declarou um estado de suspeita e vigilância total sob a ameaça iminente de uma ciberguerra declarada por grupos étnicos e políticos aos Estados. No entanto, as fronteiras do ciberespaço estão mais do que abertas, estão em constante expansão, como atesta os repertórios de segurança e privacidade dos grupos ativistas frente à tentativa de controle das suas atividades online / Abstract: This research stems from an investigation into the repertoires of political action of the Independent Media Center, a network of activist organizations and distributed through a worldwide network of computers. The proposed research addresses the relationship between social movements and the media, which conforms to a new structure of communication and resource material with the advent of the Internet and its appropriation by social movements and activist groups. Through the Independent Media Center is theorizes about the hacker culture, its foundations and moral and ethical guidelines for access, openness and sharing of collective knowledge and information, substantiated by the free software movement. These ethical principles and practice for political activist pose challenges to established institutions like the States and mass media. Overwhelmingly, these institutions are to reorient the geopolitics of cyberspace, is justified mainly by the events of September 11, which declared a state of total surveillance and suspicion under the imminent threat of cyberwar declared by ethnic and political groups to states. However, the boundaries of cyberspace are more than open, they are constantly expanding, as evidenced by the repertoires of security and privacy advocacy groups before the attempt to control their online activities / Mestrado / Movimentos Sociais, Cultura e Política / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Tom Dwyer / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T10:47:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mazieres_AntoineBernardoMarie_M.pdf: 1276055 bytes, checksum: fb566238c8de83cd0ddace38cae7b026 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Esta dissertação procura apresentar as significações políticas e culturais de um movimento de Software Livre e de Código Aberto (SL/CA) entendido como conjunto muito heterogêneo de comunidades e projetos. Ademais, a partir de um histórico do objeto "software" desde a sua origem, mostramos como ele foi diferenciado do hardware e depois encerrado como um objeto fechado pela companhias de software nascentes. Nesse contexto, o movimento SL/CA aparece tanto uma reação ao fenômeno de blackboxing, como uma continuação da tradição de compartilhamento de informações dentro da engenharia da computação. Por isso, estrutura-se ao redor de vários ramos da ética hacker e de seu agnosticismo político para constituir uma alternativa tecnológica concreta. Isto nos permite afirmar que as características sociopolíticas das comunidades do Software Livre devem ser procuradas no próprio ato de programar, na pragmática, como arte ou regulação. Dessa forma, estudamos os casos específicos de varias comunidades (gNewSense, Samba, BSD) para tentar sistematizar os seus posicionamentos tecnológicos e sociopolíticos a respeito do movimento tecnológico contemporâneo. / Abstract: This dissertation presents some political and cultural significations of a Free Software Movement, understood as a heterogeneous aggregation of projects and communities. Then, the historical analysis of the "software object" shows how it become, in the first place, differentiated from the hardware and, then, secondly, closed as an end- product by the rising software companies. In this context, the Free Software Movement presents itself as a reaction to blackboxing phenomena, as well as a continuation of the computater engineering tradition of sharing knowledge freely. Therefore, FS Movement has become structured through diverse blends of Hacker Ethic and its own political agnosticism, in order to build a concrete technological alternative. This leads to the argument that sociopolitical characteristics of Free Software communities should be found in the very act of programming, and in its pragmatics as an art or a regulation. Finally, specific cases of several communities (gNewSense, Samba, BSD) are examined in an attempt to systematize their sociopolitical and technological positions of the contemporary technological movement. / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política