The first part of this master's thesis is a collection of twelve short stories which illustrates, in varying degrees, the same characteristics as the oriental travelogue. / The second part is an analysis of the seraglio in 17th century travel literature, as a synecdote of oriental despotism. We focus on the works of Bernier, Chardin and Tavernier. Using these texts, we show how the various representations of the seraglio are constructed as a commonplace where converge notions of otherness. In conclusion we demonstrate that more than simple critical observations on the theme of love, the representation of the seraglio is a way of commenting on the fabric of various oriental societies while creating a political myth justifying absolutism.

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Diss. Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2007. / Pp. 196-210: Bibliography.

Le mot « harem » renvoie immanquablement à un imaginaire orientaliste construit autour du sérail turc. Le « harem » dans l’Égypte ancienne appelait donc à une redéfinition en s’appuyant sur les attestations connues de l’Ancien Empire jusqu’aux périodes tardives. Les deux expressions qui servent à le désigner, jpt nsw et pr xnty, permettent tout autant d’évoquer la communauté des femmes et des enfants qui y résident, le bâtiment qui les abrite que l’institution toute entière, privilège royal. À l’origine, le « harem » constitue des quartiers privés dans le palais du roi, puis peut au Nouvel Empire caractériser des « harems » séparés du lieu de résidence du pharaon, mais encore intégrés au complexe palatial, parallèlement à la création de « harems » en dehors du complexe palatial. Le « harem » connaît alors un essor considérable tant du point de vue architectural qu’institutionnel, sans doute en raison notamment de la mise en place de mariages diplomatiques avec les filles de souverains étrangers. C’est à cette époque, sous le règne de Thoutmosis III, qu’est bâti le « harem » de Mi-Our, situé à l’entrée sud de la dépression du Fayoum, qui regroupe les seuls vestiges conservés d’une telle structure architecturale, ainsi qu’une documentation inscrite et méritait donc une attention particulière. Nous nous sommes par ailleurs attachée à l’examen des habitants du « harem » ainsi qu’au personnel chargé de l’administrer. Ce dernier a fait l’objet d’une étude prosopographique exhaustive pour déterminer de quelle manière cette entité administrative était hiérarchisée, mais également dans le but de comprendre la microsociété que constituait une telle institution. / The word "harem" invariably refers to an orientalist fantasy built around the Turkish harem. The "harem" in Ancient Egypt was then due for a redefinition based on the known attestations dating from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period. The two expressions used to designate it, jpt nsw and pr xnty, allow to evoke at the same time the community of women and children who live there, the building that houses them, as well as the institution as a whole, which is a royal privilege. Originally, the "harem" constitutes private quarters in the king’s palace; then during the New Kingdom, it can characterize "harems" separated from the pharaoh’s residence but still integrated into the palace complex, along with the creation of "harems" outside the palace complex. The "harem" then experienced a considerable growth both in terms of institution as well as of architecture, probably due in part to the setting up of diplomatic marriages with daughters of foreign rulers. It is under the reign of Thutmose III that was built the "harem" of Mi-wer, located at the southern entrance of the Fayyum depression. The fact that it includes the only remains of such an architectural structure as well as a written documentation therefore deserved a specific attention. We also examined the inhabitants of the "harem" and the employees who were in charge of its administration. These people are the subject of an exhaustive prosopographical study conducted to determine how this administrative unit was organized but also to understand the microsociety that was such an institution.

Ce travail de recherche a pour but de retracer l’évolution de la représentation cinématographique de la population d’origine maghrébine en France et de mettre en perspective l’analyse des procédés esthétiques et cinématographiques dans l’œuvre d’Abdellatif Kechiche.Les trois étapes constituant ce travail restituent les tournants majeurs qui jalonnent cette histoire, partant de l’émergence du « travailleur immigré » comme figure cinématographique, en passant par la prise en charge des jeunes Franco-Maghrébins, enfants des premiers immigrés, de leur propre image à l’écran, et aboutissant au cinéma d’Abdellatif Kechiche comme syncrétisme de ce mouvement.Une analyse esthétique d’un corpus de films choisis permet d’appréhender la spécificité de ce mouvement qui débute dans les années soixante-dix et s’affirme au milieu des années quatre-vingt avec la sortie du film Le Thé au harem d’Archimède de Mehdi Charef. Il s’agit par là même d’interroger l’appellation « cinéma beur » employée pour désigner les cinéastes franco-maghrébins qui émergent dans le sillage de Mehdi Charef. Le cinéma d’Abdellatif Kechiche se situe à la fois en continuité et en rupture avec ce courant. Cette recherche révèle les mécanismes artistiques à l’œuvre dans ses films et permet d’initier une réflexion sur la singularité de son écriture, ainsi que sur l’avènement d’une cinématographie qui interroge le cinéma français sur sa capacité à recomposer la réalité dans sa dimension actuelle et polymorphe. / The objective of this research is to trace the evolution of the cinematographic representation of the Maghrebi population in France, and to put into perspective an analysis of Abdellatif Kechiche’s aesthetic and cinematographic processes.The three steps of this analysis cover the decisive points marking this evolution, from the starting point of the “immigrant labourer” as a cinematographic figure, followed by the appropriation of their self-image on screen by first-generation Franco-Maghrebi youth and finishing with Abdellatif Kechiche’s cinema as a syncretism of this movement.An aesthetic analysis of a selection of films allows us to grasp the specificity of this movement, which began in the 1970s and asserted itself in the 1980s with the release of Mehdi Charef’s “Tea in the Harem” (“Le Thé au harem d’Archimède”). This allows us to question the notion of “Beur Cinema”, which was used to describe the Franco-Maghrebi directors who followed in Mehdi Charef’s footsteps. The cinema of Abdellatif Kechiche is both a continuation of, and a departure from this movement. This research highlights the artistic mechanisms at work in his oeuvre and initiates a reflection on the singularity of his writing, as well as on the establishment of a cinematography that questions French cinema in terms of its ability to recompose reality in its current and polymorphous dimension.

<p>This project examines narrative encounters in space identified as “harem,” produced by authors with biographical ties to the vanguard of the American Suffrage Movement. I regard these feminists’ circulations East, to the domestic space of the Other, as a hitherto unstudied, yet critical component of transnationalism in the history of U.S. Suffrage. This literary record also crucially reveals the extent to which sentimentality was plotted as a potential force for the reform of other cultures. An urge to sympathize denied in the space of the harem illustrates the colonial anxieties that subtended sentimentality’s prospective deployment beyond national borders. In five chapters on the work of Anna Leonowens, Susan Elston Wallace, Demetra Vaka Brown, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and Edith Wharton, I examine how Suffrage-minded authors writing the harem strategically abandon an activist praxis of fellow feeling. Such a reluctance to transform sentimental literature into a colonial literature consequently informs that genre’s postbellum decline. The sentiments that run dry for American feminists in the harem additionally foreground the costly failures of Wilsonian Idealism, a doctrine that appropriated a discourse of sentimentality in order to script the United States’ expanded involvement in global affairs.</p> / Dissertation

Propôs-se investigar nesta pesquisa de que modo os autores europeus no período moderno conceituaram e representaram o harém islâmico. Para tanto, foi examinado um conjunto de narrativas de viagem produzidas entre os fins do século XVI e o século XVIII, além de dicionários e enciclopédias da mesma época. Aquelas eram resultado das viagens de europeus com perfis e projetos distintos para o Império Otomano, para a Pérsia e para o Norte da África, cujos relatos foram publicados originalmente em língua inglesa e francesa. Dentre os dezesseis relatos de viagem principais analisados aqui, o último deles, publicado em 1791, descrevia a experiência de um médico inglês em dois haréns do Reino de Marrocos. Diante disso, o debate sobre os pressupostos médicos europeus em contato com as práticas médicas mouras recebeu especial atenção. Após o exame deste cenário textual, e das indicações sobre a luxúria característica das sociedades islâmicas, buscou-se responder a seguinte questão: em que medida as representações construídas por estes autores teriam incitado um imaginário sobretudo sexual acerca do harém? / The purpose of this research is to investigate how the European authors in the modern period conceptualized and represented the Islamic harem. In this sense, we examined a set of travel narratives, produced between the late sixteenth century and the eighteenth century, as well as dictionaries and encyclopedias from the same era. The former were the result of travels undertaken by Europeans with different profiles and projects towards the Ottoman Empire, Persia and North Africa, whose accounts were originally published in English and French. Among the sixteen main travel reports analyzed here, the last one published in 1791 described the experience of an English doctor in two harems of Morocco. Thus, the debate about the European medical assumptions in contact with the Moorish medical practices received special attention. After examining this textual scenario, and of indications on the characteristic lust of Islamic societies, we sought to answer the following question: the representations constructed by these authors would have incited an imaginary especially sexual about the harem?

This thesis aims to explore the Ottoman Imperial Harem in the second half of the nineteenth century by focusing on the memoirs of Leyla Saz, a well-known poet and musician (1850-1936). Belonging to an aristocratic family, Leyla Saz was admitted to the &Ccedil / iragan Palace at the age of four as Fatma Sultane&rsquo / s, (daughter of Abd&uuml / lmecid) maid of honour and witnessed closely the daily life in the Harem for more than twenty years. Her memoirs, dating 1920, are the earliest examples written by a court member or, in other words, by an insider. They are particularly important for documenting not only the Imperial Harem as a disappeared socio-cultural institution, but also its architectural setting as part of the Old &Ccedil / iragan Palace, built in 1841 but demolished in 1857. Accordingly, this thesis seeks to reconstruct the Old Palace and its Harem architecturally and culturally by reading these memoirs in parallel to the related historical and theoretical literature. In so doing, it discusses whether the memoirs perpetuate or challenge the orientalist discourses.

Aspectos relacionados com a organização social e seus reflexos no comportamento reprodutivo de garanhões submetidos a coberturas em sistemas de manadas, não têm sido estudados nas populações domesticadas. Este estudo foi conduzido com os seguintes objetivos: identificar as unidades sociais estabelecidas num grupo de garanhões e de éguas; verificar os fatores envolvidos na estabilidade, na repetibilidade e na composição dos haréns; verificar o efeito do garanhão na atividade de cobertura; estabelecer relações entre os níveis plasmáticos de testosterona e a condição sócio-sexual dos reprodutores; verificar a existência de atividade sexual noturna. Foi realizado em duas estações de monta (Ano I – 2001/02; Ano II – 2002/2003). No primeiro ano, os animais foram acompanhados diariamente durante um período de 12 dias, totalizando 117,02 horas de observação. A duração média dos períodos diários de observação diurna foi de 8,1horas. No segundo ano, os animais foram acompanhados em três períodos de observação (1, 2 e 3) com intervalos de 21 dias entre eles. A duração média dos períodos de observação diários foi de 9,6h e o tempo total foi igual a 203,51h. No Ano I, foram utilizados quatro garanhões com idades iguais a 3, 5 e mais de 12 anos e um grupo de 46 éguas solteiras, com idades entre 3 e 20 anos. No segundo, observaram-se quatro garanhões com 3, 6 e com mais de 12 anos e um grupo de 40 éguas solteiras, com idades entre 3 e mais de 12 anos. As unidades sociais identificadas foram do tipo harém e grupo de solteiros. Os reprodutores com três anos de idade não formaram haréns. Estabeleceram-se relações hierárquicas entre os garanhões e dentro dos haréns. A dominância, a capacidade de luta, os níveis de testosterona e a idade dos garanhões parecem ter influenciado no tamanho e na manutenção dos haréns. Foi constatada estabilidade em sua composição e esta dependeu do status reprodutivo das fêmeas, da dominância do garanhão no grupo e do tamanho do potreiro de observação. Não foi verificada repetibilidade na composição dos haréns. Todos os garanhões tiveram os seus níveis plasmáticos médios de testosterona aumentados, em média, 77,6%, quando foram expostos às éguas e quando formaram haréns (85,6%), embora os do grupo de solteiros tivessem os níveis mais baixos. O total de coberturas observadas no Ano I foi 28. As éguas foram cobertas em média, 1,86 vez, e o número médio de coberturas diárias foi 1,17. O número médio de éguas cobertas /dia foi igual a 1,08. O número médio de éguas receptivas, diariamente, foi igual a 8,5. O tempo médio de duração das coberturas foi igual a 38,4 segundos e o intervalo médio diário entre as mesmas foi de 79,75 minutos. No Ano II, os garanhões realizaram um total de 134 coberturas. As éguas foram cobertas, em média, 2,21 vezes. O número médio de coberturas diário foi 2,1. O número médio de éguas receptivas, diariamente, foi 20,7. O número médio de éguas cobertas/ dia foi 1,78. O tempo médio de duração das coberturas foi igual a 37 segundos e o intervalo médio diário entre as mesmas foi de 104,1minutos. Nos dois anos de estudo foi verificada atividade sexual noturna. O índice geral de prenhez no Ano I foi 79,4% e, no segundo, foi 72,25%. / Aspects related of social organization and its effects on the reproductive behavior of domestics stallions breeding under free range management systems, not have been studied. This study was carried out with the following objectives: to identify the social unities established between stallions and mares; to verify the factors involved in the stability, repeatability and in the composition of harems; to verify the effect of the stallion in the mating activity; to establish the relationship between the plasmatic levels of testosterone and the social-sexual condition of the stallion; to verify the existence of night sexual activity. This study was carried out in two mating seasons (Year I – 2001/02; Year II – 2002/03). In the first year, the animals were accompanied daily during a period of 12 days, totalizing 117.02 hours. The average duration of daily periods of day observation was 8.1 hours. In the second year, the animals were accompanied in three periods of observation (1, 2 and 3) with intervals of 21 days between them. The average duration of daily periods of observation was 9.6h and the total observation time was equal to 203.51h. In each interval of periods of observation, the social unities were disrupted and the mares were separated. In Year I four stallions were used, with ages of 3, 5 and more than 12 years and a group of 46 no lactates mares from the same breed, with ages varying from 3 to 20 years. In the second year, four stallions were observed, with 3, 6 and more than 12 years of age, and a group of 40 no lactates mares, with ages varying from 3 to more than 12 years of age. The social unities identified in the two years of observation were of the harem and the bachelor group type. The stallions with three years of age did not form harem. Hierarchic relationships among stallions and within harems were established. The dominance, the fight capacity, the aggressive behavior, the testosterone levels and the age of the stallions seem to influence the size and the maintenance of the harems. The stability in the composition of harems was observed, and the factors identified in this process were the reproductive status of females, the dominance of the stallions over the group and the size of the observation field. Repeatability in the composition of the harems was not verified. All stallions had their mean testosterone plasmatic levels increased, in average 77.6%, when were exposed to the mares, and when they formed harems (average of 85.6%). The mating activity of the stallions varied individually. The total mating observed in the 12 days from Year I was 28. The mares were mated in average 1.86 times, and the mean number of daily mating was 1.17. The mean number of mares mated per day was 1.08. The mean number of receptive mares, daily, was 8.5. The average of time during the matings was of 38.4 seconds and mean daily interval between matings was 79.75 minutes. In the second year of observation, the stallions performed a total of 134 matings. Considering the three periods of observation, the mares were mated, in average, 2.21 times. The mean number of daily matings was 2.1. The average number of receptive mares, daily, was 20.7. The average number of mated mares per day was 1.78. The average duration time of the matings was 37.0 seconds and the mean daily interval between matings was 104.1 minutes. In the two years of the study, the existence of sexual activity at night was verified. In the first year, the general pregnancy index was 79.4%. In the second year, the general index was 72.25%.