No / While terrorism has become a major topic of discussion and analysis in the academy and in the policy making of Australian institutions, it rarely affects the everyday life of Australian citizens. Yet for some groups, in terrorem is a way of life¿particularly for those whose lives are performed under social and political spotlights. At the core of the limitations imposed on certain groups in Australia is the use of language to police the behaviours of these groups, and to create a social environment that makes the hiding one¿s identity the most effective mechanism to avoid terror. In this paper, I analyse the linguistic themes and forms used in hate violence as way to illustrate the impact of in terrorem on gay men, lesbians and Jews, and suggest alternative means by which to regulate the harm caused by vilification.

No / Artificial intelligence (AI) technology is becoming increasingly prevalent in society, offering a range of benefits and opportunities. However, with the rise of AI comes new challenges, particularly in hate speech. Hate speech, a type of expression that incites hatred or violence against individuals or groups based on ethnicity, religion, or other characteristics, has become a growing concern in Malaysia, with social media and online platforms becoming a breeding ground for such speech. In this context, AI technology has emerged as a potential solution for monitoring and regulating hate speech, but it also presents legal and ethical challenges that must be addressed. In view of double edge sword roles played by the development of AI, this article analyses the legal recourse available in Malaysia for disruptive AI technology and hate speech. The authors claim that AI systems are prone to errors and biases and that there is a risk of relying too much on such plans at the expense of human judgement. There are also concerns regarding the impact of AI on free expression and privacy rights. In addition, the author suggests that artificial intelligence be appropriately regulated to ensure that it is consistent with international human rights standards and national laws. / This research was supported by the Ministry of Education (MOE) through the Fundamental Research Grant Scheme (FRGS/1/2020/SSI0/MSU/03/1).

Ethiopia has experienced a deadly two-year-long civil war, mainly between the government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). During this civil war, in addition to lethal weaponry like drones, jets, missiles, and tanks, the combatant parties and their allies used hate speech as a weapon of war. The aim of this research is to unpack the severity of hate speech disseminated during the civil war and identify its major types that could have contributed to the escalation of the war and the incitement of human rights violations. To achieve this aim, the research used the qualitative content analysis method to analyse data gathered from hate speech broadcasts during the civil war. Furthermore, it applied the propaganda model, framing theory, social identity theory, ARTICLE 19's hate speech pyramid, and the Rabat Plan of Action’s six-part threshold test theoretical and analytical frameworks to analyse the data and discuss its major findings. The research found that the most severe types of hate speech, which aimed to incite genocide, discrimination, hostility, or violence, as well as racial hatred, were disseminated during the civil war. Moreover, it revealed violations of international and Ethiopian laws regulating hate speech. Based on the analysis of empirical data, it is concluded that severe types of hate speech disseminated during the civil war had the potential to escalate the war and incite documented human rights violations.

The present study explored factors affecting vulnerability to depression among gay men and lesbian women in metropolitan Gauteng, South Africa. Risk factors consistently cited in the literature on depression among gay men and lesbian women, namely self-esteem, social integration, hate speech, physical victimisation, fear of victimisation and alcohol and drug abuse, were examined to determine their ability to predict vulnerability to depression. Data was collected from 385 participants who self-identified as lesbian or gay, using a purposive quota sampling technique to ensure representation across age, gender, race and socio-economic status lines. Participants were selected through gay and lesbian organisations, support groups, counselling centres, the gay and lesbian Pride Parade, an online questionnaire, and via snowballing techniques. Multiple regression analysis indicated that self-esteem and hate speech were the only significant predictors of vulnerability to depression. The regression model accounted for 21.7% of the variance in vulnerability to depression scores. / Psychology / M. Sc. (Psychology)

This study investigates the interaction between freedom and limitation as applied to political expression and hate speech. The need for the limitation of hate speech, with its inherent risk of escalation into other serious crimes such as genocide, is established. The view of the South African courts is identified as pro-limitation but generally respectful of the right to freedom of expression. A lacuna in current constitutional law, common law and legislative remedies is evident and the various ways in which limitation can be effected are explored; the researcher finds for criminalisation as an effective measure to address this lacuna in hate speech regulation. The importance of complying with the international call for the criminalisation of hate speech is analysed. Insight is gained regarding what would be an effective model for criminalisation. Here lessons are taken from foreign comparatives that have successfully criminalised hate speech in the context of their cultural identity, history and social needs. Ultimately, a framework for effective hate speech criminalisation in South Africa is formulated. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.M

La ricerca affronta il tema delle manifestazioni di “pensiero prevenuto” nell’ambiente digitale, spesso collegate a performance razziste “banalizzate” e socialmente condivise. Per individuare risposte educative specifiche e buone prassi di intervento, è necessario analizzare le diverse forme assunte dal pregiudizio in Rete alla luce degli aspetti affettivo-emotivi e non solo razionali. L’ambiente di ricerca è il Web 2.0, inteso come “realtà aumentata”, ovvero uno spazio non contrapposto al reale ma segnato dalle proprie specificità. Si è individuato un corpus di “razzismi online” da sottoporre a un’analisi di tipo qualitativo-testuale attraverso il software T-Lab e, in parallelo, a un’analisi di tipo qualitativo-motivazionale. I risultati ottenuti sono stati quindi interpretati alla luce di una duplice bibliografia: da un lato quella della pedagogia interculturale e degli studi classici sui razzismi, dall’altro quella sulle caratteristiche del digitale, della pragmatica della comunicazione online e della Media Education. Durante la ricerca si sono inoltre svolte – con esiti differenti – alcune conversazioni via Ask.fm con adolescenti contattati poiché, in vario modo, avevano preso parte a performance razziste; oltre che come caso studio di etnografia virtuale, viene proposto come esperimento di educazione alla riflessività. Si noterà come dalla banalizzazione delle tesi razziste e dalla deresponsabilizzazione dello “stare in Rete” deriva un recupero implicito dell’istanza biologica, su basi non scientifiche, svuotate di senso, ma paradossalmente accettate e interiorizzate. D’altro canto, si incontrano svariati esempi di attivazione di “cittadini digitali”; anche a partire da questo “capitale antirazzista”, si sottolineerà il ruolo dell’educazione alla cittadinanza – interculturale, digitale e morale – nel formare soggetti e agenti morali nella mediapolis, affermando il valore della responsabilità verso gli altri. / The study deals with the topic of manifestations of “prejudiced thought” in the digital environment, which are often linked with “banalised” racist and socially shared performances. In order to identify specific educational responses and good practices of intervention, the various forms taken by prejudice on the Web in the light of affective-emotive, and not only rational, aspects have to be analysed. The research environment is Web 2.0, understood as “augmented reality”, i.e. a space that is not opposed to reality but marked by its own specificities. A corpus of “online racism” has been identified to be submitted to a qualitative-textual analysis through T-Lab software and, in parallel, a qualitative-motivational type of analysis. The results obtained were then interpreted in the light of a dual bibliography: on the one hand that of intercultural pedagogy and classic studies on racism, on the other that on the characteristics of the digital environment, the pragmatics of online communication and of Media Education. Some conversations were also carried out during the research – with different outcomes – via Ask.fm with adolescents contacted as, in various ways, they had taken part in racist performances; as well as a case study of virtual ethnography, this is proposed as an experiment on education on reflectivity. It will be noticed how an implicit recovery of the biological question, with non-scientific bases, emptied of meaning, but paradoxically accepted and internalised, derives from the banalisation of racist theories and the lack of a sense of responsibility of “being on the Web”. On the other hand, several examples of activating “digital citizens” are encountered; from this “antiracist capital” as well, the role of education for citizenship – intercultural, digital and moral – in forming subjects and moral agents in the mediapolis, asserting the value of responsibility towards others, will also be emphasised.

The present study explored factors affecting vulnerability to depression among gay men and lesbian women in metropolitan Gauteng, South Africa. Risk factors consistently cited in the literature on depression among gay men and lesbian women, namely self-esteem, social integration, hate speech, physical victimisation, fear of victimisation and alcohol and drug abuse, were examined to determine their ability to predict vulnerability to depression. Data was collected from 385 participants who self-identified as lesbian or gay, using a purposive quota sampling technique to ensure representation across age, gender, race and socio-economic status lines. Participants were selected through gay and lesbian organisations, support groups, counselling centres, the gay and lesbian Pride Parade, an online questionnaire, and via snowballing techniques. Multiple regression analysis indicated that self-esteem and hate speech were the only significant predictors of vulnerability to depression. The regression model accounted for 21.7% of the variance in vulnerability to depression scores. / Psychology / M. Sc. (Psychology)

This study investigates the interaction between freedom and limitation as applied to political expression and hate speech. The need for the limitation of hate speech, with its inherent risk of escalation into other serious crimes such as genocide, is established. The view of the South African courts is identified as pro-limitation but generally respectful of the right to freedom of expression. A lacuna in current constitutional law, common law and legislative remedies is evident and the various ways in which limitation can be effected are explored; the researcher finds for criminalisation as an effective measure to address this lacuna in hate speech regulation. The importance of complying with the international call for the criminalisation of hate speech is analysed. Insight is gained regarding what would be an effective model for criminalisation. Here lessons are taken from foreign comparatives that have successfully criminalised hate speech in the context of their cultural identity, history and social needs. Ultimately, a framework for effective hate speech criminalisation in South Africa is formulated. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.M

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The following study examines whether there are contending interpretations of the rule of law present within the South African democracy. The study proposes that the rule of law forms part of the societal understanding of democracy and everyday life. Rule of law is defined in terms of mental models which influence how stakeholders conceive and define institutions. Rule of law is more than a mere institutional guarantee or set of rules — rule of law is understood as a component of a specific culture of understanding. It is shown that conceptions of rule of law have a long history in western society and have been influenced by both liberal and social ideals. Contemporary conceptions of the rule of law are tightly bound with specific notions of liberal democracy. It is hypothesised that there are distinctly identifiable opinions, beliefs and views of the rule of law present in South African democracy, and that these can be systematically described at the hand of a conceptual typology. The conceptual typology developed, identifies two contending interpretations of the rule of law, namely liberal and social rule of law. Liberal rule of law emphasises the status of the individual, moral plurality and the creation and maintenance of a rule-based society of the future. In contrast, social rule of law places emphasis on the status of the community, a single communally defined conception of the moral good and places greater emphasis on righting past injustices. Other publications that address the themes of democracy and the rule of law in South Africa are also examined in order to determine whether there is congruence between the conceptual typology developed in this study and other works. It is found that the conceptual typology is congruent with other works that depict the African National Congress’s conception of democracy, equality and liberty. These congruencies validate and strengthen the conceptual typology developed in this study. The conceptual typology is subsequently applied to a specific court case, the AfriForum v Malema hate speech case. The conceptual typology is found to be sufficiently accurate in analysing contending beliefs associated with the rule of law as expressed in this court case and identifies the African National Congress’s conception of the rule of law as falling under the social rule of law and AfriForum’s conception as aligning to the liberal rule of law. It is concluded that the conceptual typology can be empirically validated at the hand of the selected case. The conceptual typology is therefore validated with other works (conceptually) and with a specific case (empirically). It is concluded that the conceptual typology provides a clear, robust, concise and comprehensive analytical description of values and beliefs associated with the rule of law in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek of daar uiteenlopende en teenstrydige interpretasies oor die oppergesag van die reg teenwoordig is binne die Suid Afrikaanse demokrasie. Die studie stel voor dat die oppergesag van die reg deel uitmaak van die wyse waarop alledaagse samelewingsinteraskies, asook demokrasie, verstaan word. Die oppergesag van die reg word gedefinieer in terme van kognitiewe modelle, wat die belanghebbende partye se konsepsie van hierdie instelling beïnvloed. Die oppergesag van die reg word dus as element van spesifieke kulturele begrip vertolk en meer as institusionele element, wat die behoud van reëls waarborg, beskou. Dit word gewys dat konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg lang geskiedenis in westerse samelewing het en dat dit deur liberale en sosiale ideale beïnvloed is. Kontemporêre konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg het noue bande met die liberale demokrasie. Die hipotese is dat daar afsonderlik identifiseerbare opinies, oortuigings en sieninge van die oppergesag van die reg teenwoordig is in die Suid Afrikaanse demokrasie, en dat hierdie opinies sistematies aan die hand van konseptuele tipologie beskryf kan word. Die konseptuele tipologie wat ontwikkel word in hierdie studie identifiseer twee konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg, naamlik die liberale- en die sosiale oppergesag van die reg. Liberale oppergesag van die reg plaas klem op die status van die individu, morele pluraliteit en die skep en handhawing van reëlsgebaseerde toekomsgerigte samelewing. Hierteenoor word die sosiale oppergesag van die reg gekontrasteer wat klem plaas op die status van gemeenskap of groep, enkele kommunale gedefinieerde konsepsie van die morele doelwit voortsit terwyl die klem geplaas word op die regstelling van ongeregtighede van die verlede. Ander publikasies wat die temas van demokrasie en oppergesag van die reg in Suid Afrika aanspreek, word ook bestudeer om sodoende ooreenkomste tussen die konseptuele tipologie wat hier ontwikkel word, en die bestaande literatuur vas te stel. Daar word gevind dat die konseptuele tipologie wel ooreenkomste met ander werke, wat die African National Congress se konsepsies van demokrasie, gelykheid en vryheid bestudeer, vind. Die ooreenkomste valideer en versterk die konseptuele tipologie. Die konseptuele tipologie word ook toegepas op spesifieke hofsaak, naamlik die AfriForum v Malema haatspraaksaak. Daar word gevind dat die konseptuele tipologie wel akkurate analise van teenstrydige opinies, wat geassosieer word met die oppergesag van die reg, moontlik maak. Die African National Congress se konsepsie word in die kategorie van die sosiale oppergesag van die reg geplaas terwyl AfriForum se siening in die kategorie van die liberale oppergesag van die reg geplaas word. Dit word bevind dat die konseptuele tipologie voldoen aan empiriese validasie aan die hand van geselekteerde saak. Die konseptuele tipologie word daarvolgens gevalideer met ander werke (konseptueel), asook met spesifieke gevallestudie (empiries). Daar word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die konseptuele tipologie duidelike, robuuste, bondige en omvattende analitiese beskrywing van die waardes en oortuigings, wat geassosieer word met die oppergesag van reg in Suid Afrika, beskryf.

« On ne pense bien qu’aux extrêmes » disait Louis Althusser. Pourtant, loin d’évoquer la réflexion, la notion d’extrême semble davantage s’incarner aujourd’hui dans des menaces diverses. Al-Qaïda, Daech, Boko Haram, mais également extrême-gauche, extrême-droite, hooliganisme, Black Blocs etc. L’omniprésence du danger extrémiste tel qu’il est présenté par le discours médiatique et politique ne rend pas pour autant saisissable la notion. Largement oubliée par les textes législatifs et réglementaires, absente de la doctrine juridique et peu développée par la jurisprudence, la notion d’extrémisme n’est pourtant pas ignorée par le droit. Appréhendé ponctuellement, pour ne pas dire émotionnellement, par un ensemble de textes épars, l’extrémisme ne fait l’objet d’aucune approche générique en droit français. L’objet de ce travail de recherche n’est pas simplement de présenter les diverses manifestations de l’extrémisme telles qu’identifiées par le droit, mais de vérifier, par une approche globale rarement retenue, le postulat selon lequel, à l’instar des approches sociologique ou politique, le discours juridique appréhende l’extrémisme comme une remise en cause de l’ordre démocratique. Or, la sauvegarde de cet ordre démocratique, au fondement de tout l’ordonnancement juridique des démocraties libérales, apparaît ambivalente et paradoxale. Si l’État de droit est l’un des vecteurs fondamentaux de l’ordre démocratique, celui-ci ne devrait pas connaître de limitation juridique. Pourtant, confronté à sa remise en cause, l’État démocratique se doit d’organiser sa défense. Dès lors, pour lutter contre les divers extrémismes qui contestent leurs principes ontologiques, les démocraties vont être conduites à limiter l’exercice de droits qui forment pourtant leur socle, plaçant cette lutte au cœur d’un véritable paradoxe démocratique. / « We think best in the extreme » said Louis Althusser. However, the notion of the extreme seems more than ever to evoke various menaces in today's world. Al-Qaïda, Daech, Boko Haram, but also far left, far right winged politics, hooliganism, Black Blocs etc. The omnipresent danger of extremism as it is presented in the media and in politics has kept us away from its true meaning. Heavily forgotten by laws and regulations, absent from legal doctrine, and seldomly brought up in jurisprudence, the notion of extremism is however not ignored in Law. Apprehended occasionally, even emotionally, by a variety of texts, extremism is not considered in a global manner in French law. Within a global approach, this study presents the various manifestations of the extremism in order to verify if the legal discourse, like sociological and political approaches, apprehends extremism as a questioning of the democratic order. However, the safeguarding of this democratic order, the foundation of the whole legal system of liberal democracies, appears ambivalent and paradoxical. If the Rule of law is one of the fundamental vectors of democratic order, it mustn’t know any juridical limitations. However, confronted to its questioning, democratic State must organize its defense. Thus, to fight against the various extremisms which contest their ontological principals, democracies will be led to reduce the exercise of rights which constitute their base, placing this struggle in the center of a considerable democratic paradox.