This is an Afrocentric examination of women's use of agency in Ancient Egypt and Igboland. Most histories written on Kemetic women not only disconnect them from Africa but also fail to fully address the significance of their position within the political spiritual structure of the state. Additionally, the presence of matriarchy in Ancient Egypt is dismissed on the basis that patriarchy is the most visible and seemingly the most dominant form of governance. Diop contended that matriarchy was one of the key factors that connected Ancient Egypt with other parts of Africa which is best understood as the Africa cultural continuity theory. My research analyzes the validity of his theory by comparing how Kemetic women exercised agency in their political structure to how Igbo women exercised political agency. I identified Igbo women as a cultural group to be compared to Kemet because of their historical political resistance in their state during the colonial period. However, it is their traditional roles prior to British invasion that is most relevant to my study. I define matriarchy as the central role of the mother in the social and political function of societal structures, the political positions occupied by women that inform the decisions of the state and the inclusion of female principles within the religious-political order of the nation. Matriarchy as a critical framework was used to identify how Kemetic women and Igbo women accessed political power by means of motherhood, political leadership, and spiritual authority. The findings of this study show that Igbo women and Ancient Egyptian women were integral to the political operation of their states. Furthermore, the results indicate that Ancient Egypt and Igboland shared cultural commonalities as it relates to the roles that women occupied as spiritual specialists, political leaders and mothers. / African American Studies

Master of Arts / Department of History / David A. Graff / Michael Ramsay / In 1988, Irving Brown received the Medal of Freedom from President Ronald Reagan for playing a crucial role in breaking the hold of international communism over postwar Western Europe. By doing so, he can truly be called one of the architects of Western democracy. Brown also made extraordinary efforts to fight international Communism in French North Africa during the 1950s. This paper seeks to answer the question of why these efforts in North Africa failed, and it will show the limits of American labor‘s international influence during the Cold War, in particular in French North Africa. Irving Brown successfully strengthened anti-Communist unions in Europe, and had the financial backing of the Truman Administration for those projects. However, Brown‘s efforts to build anti-Communist trade unions in Tunisia and Algeria did not have the backing of the U.S. government under the Eisenhower Administration. Instead, the AFL-CIO, with Brown as its representative, attempted to use the non-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) to influence the nationalist movements of Tunisia and Algeria through their respective national unions, the Union générale tunisienne du travail (UGTT) and the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA). Disagreements within the ICFTU severely inhibited Brown‘s effectiveness and prevented him from fully realizing the AFL-CIO‘s policy goals in North Africa. Brown was overly dependent on Tunisia for his operations with the Algeria labor movement, and the ICFTU was incapable of providing adequate support to the Algerians to compete with its Communist rival, the World Federation of Trade Unions. To the extent that independent Tunisia was Western-oriented, Brown was successful in his efforts. However, in the long run, Brown failed as an architect of Western democracy, as Tunisia became a dictatorship with a socialist economy. In Algeria, the state of war forced the UGTA to turn to the Eastern bloc despite Brown‘s personal dedication to North African independence and development. Furthermore, in independence, Algeria‘s government embraced socialism and single party rule.

Alors que des stratégies ont été développées par les pouvoirs publiques qui officiaient à Dakar depuis les années 1920 pour contenir l’évolution de la tuberculose, maladie sociale alors identifiée comme constituant un obstacle aux projets socio-politiques et économique de la France en Afrique de l’ouest, cette maladie continuait en 2019, environ 40 ans après la décolonisation du Sénégal, à figurer parmi les préoccupations des autorités sanitaires de la ville. Se posent dès lors plusieurs questions: pourquoi, en dépit de l’existence d’un vaccin antituberculeux depuis les années 1920 et malgré la découverte de médicaments spécifiques au cours des années 1940-1950, la tuberculose continue de défier les plans mis en œuvre à Dakar pour contenir son évolution? Quels ont été les moyens mobilisés pour stopper son évolution? La lutte contre la tuberculose à Dakar impliquait-elle une action sur les facteurs qui favorisaient l’extension de la maladie? Serait-ce l’exécution des mesures antituberculeuses qui était défaillante? L’hypothèse qui sous-tend cette thèse est que la lutte contre la tuberculose ne constituait pas une priorité pour les autorités sanitaires de Dakar mais aussi que l’inadéquation des différentes mesures préventives et curatives opposées à cette maladie explique les limites de l’action jusque-là entreprise et, par conséquent, sa persistance dans cette ville. À travers une évaluation de l’organisation et de l’exécution des différentes mesures qui ont été prises depuis 1924, ce travail de recherche tente de faire la lumière sur les facteurs explicatifs de la persistance de la tuberculose à Dakar jusqu’en 1969 et d’identifier des continuités, et pas seulement des ruptures, entre la période coloniale et nationale pour mieux saisir la place actuelle de la maladie infectieuse au pays. Ce travail envisage aussi de voir en référence à quels savoirs et à quelles pratiques ont été opérés les choix concernant les mesures à opposer à la tuberculose. Il cherche également à étudier les modalités d’exécution des différentes mesures arrêtées pour stopper le développement de cette maladie afin de saisir les distances entre les intentions et les gestes posés. Pour évaluer l’incidence des différents plans de lutte mis en œuvre contre la tuberculose à Dakar dans la durée choisie, une attention est enfin portée à leur réception ainsi que les attitudes qu’elles ont suscitées chez la population dakaroise. / While strategies had been developed by the public authorities that had been operating in Dakar since the 1920s to contain the spread of tuberculosis, a social disease then identified as an obstacle to France's socio-political and economic projects in Dakar and West Africa, in 2019, some 40 years after Senegal's decolonization, the disease continued to be a concern for the city's health authorities. This raises several questions: Why, despite the manufacture of an anti-tuberculosis vaccine since the 1920s and the discovery of specific drugs in the 1940s and 1950s, tuberculosis continues to defy the plans implemented in Dakar to contain its spread? What has been done to halt its spread? Did the fight against tuberculosis in Dakar also involve action on the factors that contributed to the spread of the disease? Was it the implementation of TB control measures that was failing? The hypothesis underlying this thesis is that the fight against tuberculosis was not a priority for Dakar health authorities, but also that the inadequacy of the various preventive and curative measures against this disease explains the limits of the action taken so far and, consequently, the persistence of tuberculosis in this city. Through an evaluation of the organization and execution of the various measures taken since 1924, this thesis attempts to shed light on the factors explaining the persistence of tuberculosis in Dakar until 1969 and to identify continuities, and not only breaks, between the colonial and national periods in order to better understand the current place of the infectious disease in the country. It also envisages seeing with reference to what knowledge and practices were maked choices concerning measures to combat tuberculosis and seeks to study the modalities of implementation of the various measures adopted to halt the development of this disease in order to grasp distances between intentions and actions taken. In order to assess the impact of the various plans to combat tuberculosis in Dakar over the chosen period, attention is also paid to their reception and the attitudes that they have aroused among the population of Dakar.

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National identity is a complex notion of being and belonging. The multiple selves, out of which the identity is composed of such as gender, class, race, and ethnicity etc. pose a challenge in creating any sort of unified collective national identity that would encompass each individual's unique set of these multiple selves and roles. This complexity is even more pronounced when a national identity of such nations as the U.S. is examined. Due to its multicultural and multiethnic nature, identifying a collective American identity becomes a challenge. This thesis examines the birth of national identity in the U.S. during the Revolutionary era through the time of the Early republic and the period of 1800-1850 in an effort to discover the unifying features of such complex identity and to uncover its origins. The text consults theoretical framework on nation, nationalism and national identity to establish a working definition of a nation and to explain the complexity of the concept which is then further examined in the context of the U.S. In combination with a historical overview of the period 1770-1850, the thesis addresses nationalist feelings and thoughts that permeated the country at the time, examining the first emergence of calls for unified American national identity and the subsequent...

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Family Studies and Human Services / Karen S. Myers-Bowman / The purpose of this study was to conduct a phenomenological inquiry into the impact HIV/AIDS-related stigma has on People Living with HIV/AIDS (PLHA) and their family members in Ghana and the overall relationship family members have with PLHA. The study explored the concept of stigma in the Ghanaian context, ways in which it is expressed, factors influencing HIV- related stigma and its consequences on both PLHA and their family members. Strategies that PLHA and their family members consider for effective HIV- related stigma prevention were also explored. The study further explored some of the gender- biased nature of HIV- related stigma in Ghana. Data was gathered qualitatively through interviews with five PLHA and their discordant family members. Interviews were transcribed and translated into English, coded and analyzed. After inductively establishing themes and categories, final confirmatory analysis was deductively established, by using the Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model and Symbolic interaction theory to affirm the authenticity and appropriateness of the inductive content analysis. The study found that HIV- related stigma begins with serostatus disclosure. Stigma is manifested in myriad contexts including the family, community, healthcare institutions and gender. The major factors influencing stigma are insufficient knowledge of HIV transmission, fear and misconception of HIV created by the media, cultural and religious factors as well as poverty. Family members experienced similar stigma as PLHA, such as loss of jobs, loss of social network, loss of identity and self stigma. However extreme impacts such as suicidal thoughts were only experienced by PLHA. The impact of HIV- related stigma is worst for women because of beliefs and values relating to gender- role expectations. While women accept and support their husbands when they have HIV/AIDS, women are often neglected and abandoned by their husbands. To address this stigma, participants suggested house to house education, financial support from the government, revision of educational content especially discontinuation of negative images of HIV/AIDS used by the media. Implications for this study in the areas of research, practice and policy are provided.