This doctrinal thesis centers around the topic of voluntary human shields as a complex phenomenon requiring further scholarly attention. Specifically, this paper acknowledges that the actions of certain voluntary shields renders their classification as civilians strenuous, in which it is explored if the notion of Direct Participation in Hostilities might apply. As such, the research question contemplates: To what extent, if at all, can voluntary human shields be considered as taking a direct part in hostilities when shielding lawful targets?  The analyses have concentrated on both a theoretical examination of the ICRC’s Interpretive Guidance, and on an empirical investigation into two cases of voluntary human shields: the Serbian citizens in 1999 and the Palestinian women in 2006. Evidently, the findings indicate that voluntary human shields can to some extent take a direct part in hostilities, while the generalizability of our results are appreciated. Ultimately, this thesis provides additional insights into the topic, as increasingly relevant and required within the contradictory and existing research field, while also anticipating avenues for future research.

CHDS State/Local / Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / In "The Principles of Prevention and the Development of the Prevention Triangle Model for the Evaluation of Terrorism Prevention," we propose the theoretical and practical development of the Prevention Triangle, a graphical model designed to define a system for evaluating national, state, and local terrorism prevention mandates and programs. Based upon objectives detailed in the National Strategy for Homeland Security, and derived through an analysis of selected prevention theories and programs - primarily those aimed at crime prevention - this study first seeks a theoretical basis for the prevention of terrorism in the form of four principles before deriving and defining representative evaluative criteria for designing and measuring the efficacy of prevention programs. / Civilian, Homeland Security Liaison, The City of New York

Normatively, protecting civilians from the conduct of hostilities is grounded in the Geneva Conventions and the UN Security Council protection of civilian agenda, both of which celebrate their 70 and 20 year anniversaries in 2019. Previous research focusses heavily on protection of civilians through peacekeeping whereas this research focuses on ‘non-armed’ approaches to enhancing civilian protection in conflict. Prior research and experience reveals a high level of missingness and variation in the level of available data on civilian harm in conflict. Where civilian harm is considered in the peace and conflict literature, it is predominantly from a securitized lens of understanding insurgent recruitment strategies and more recent counter-insurgent strategies aimed at winning ‘hearts and minds’. Through a structured focused comparison of four case studies the correlation between the level of quality, timely and consistent data on civilian harm and affect on the conduct of hostilities will be reviewed and potential confounders identified. Following this the hypothesized causal mechanism will be process traced through the pathway case of Afghanistan. The findings and analysis from both methods identify support for the theory and it’s refinement with important nuances in the factors conducive to quality, timely and consistent data collection on civilian harm in armed conflict.

In this thesis, I will argue that the role different types of perceived threat play is fundamental for how people can become more hostile or violent. Scholars have previously studied how threat perceptions can lead to outgroup hostilities and violent attitudes. Sometimes they have distinguished between realistic threats, those pertaining to wellbeing, safety and economic resources, and symbolic threats, related to culture, identity and values. Yet, despite previous research, systematic experimental evidence is scarce. Therefore, this thesis has attempted to answer the question of how realistic and symbolic threat perceptions affect outgroup hostilities through a novel survey-experimental design (n = 97) making use of Amazon’s MTurk for recruitment. It found that those exposed to a realistically framed threat exhibit more pragmatist attitudes, whereas those exposed to a symbolically framed threat leaned towards more vicious responses, although these latter results lacked statistical significance. This thesis found no difference in violent attitudes for these two types of perceived threat. These findings are important as they teach us how people can become more hostile, and how we can be aware of how actors, such as politicians, can use threat framing to achieve certain objectives.

Atskyrimo principas ginkluotuose konfliktuose yra tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės pagrindas, reikalaujantis, kad konflikto šalys visuomet skirtų civilius gyventojus ir kombatantus, civilinius ir karinius objektus. Tačiau dėl visuotinės privatizacijos padidėjus civilių ir privačių kompanijų, dalyvaujančių ginkluotuose konfliktuose, skaičiui bei nuolat tobulėjant karinėms technologijoms, riba tarp civilių ir kombatantų ėmė nykti. Norėdami pritaikyti atskyrimo principą šiuolaikiniams ginkluotiems konfliktams, šiame darbe, visų pirma, analizavome tiesioginio dalyvavimo karo veiksmuose įtaką šio principo taikymui ir nustatėm, kad asmeniui, tiesiogiai dalyvaujančiam karo veiksmuose, atskyrimo principas nebetaikomas, jis tampa teisėtu kariniu taikiniu ir praranda apsaugą nuo karo veiksmų keliamų pavojų. Tiesioginiu dalyvavimu karo veiksmuose siūlėme laikyti veiksmus, atitinkančius žalos masto, tiesioginio priežastinio ryšio tarp atliekamo veiksmo ir kilusios ar kilsiančios žalos ir ryšio su ginkluotu konfliktu bei viena iš konflikto šalių reikalavimus. Visų antra, nagrinėjome atskyrimo principo ginkluotuose konfliktuose taikymą PKSK personalo atžvilgiu. Nustatėme, kad dalis PKSK darbuotojų galėtų būti laikomi kombatantais ir dėl to taptų teisėtais kariniais taikiniai, jiems atskyrimo principas taikomas nebūtų, tačiau kita dalis PKSK turėtų būti laikomi civiliais ir tol, kol jie tiesiogiai nedalyvauja karo veiksmuose, jiems būtų taikoma apsauga nuo karo veiksmų keliamų pavojų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The principle of distinction in armed conflicts is the corner stone of international humanitarian law, requiring that the Parties to the conflict would at all times distinguish between the civilian population and combatants and between civilian objects and military objectives. But because of the increased number of civilians and private companies participating in armed conflicts due to the global privatisation and permanent technological improvement of military equipment, the line between civilians and combatants begin to blur. In order to apply the principle of distinction to modern armed conflicts, firstly, we analysed an influence of direct participation in hostilities to the application of the principle of distinction and determined that for person who directly participates in armed conflicts the principle of distinction is no longer applicable and this person becomes a legal military target with no general protection against dangers arising from military operations. An act which is considered to be direct participation in hostilities should meet the requirements of threshold of harm, direct causation and belligerent nexus. Secondly, we studied the application of the principle of distinction to the personnel of private military and security companies in armed conflicts and determined that part of this personnel might be considered combatants and because of that become lawful military targets to whom the principle of distinction in no longer applicable. The other part of... [to full text]

The purpose of this research was to analyse the impact of forced migration on women and development in northern Uganda. The armed conflict in northern Uganda, which started in 1986, led to gross violations of human rights against women forcing them to flee their homes and ftnd refuge in overcrowded resettlement camps. The main objective of the study was to critically analyse the causes of displacement and the experiences of internally displaced women so as to contribute to available knowledge on women and development Qualitative and feminist research techniques were carried out in Erute Camp located in Lira Municipality among intemally displaced women, using observation and interviews. The findings reveal that forced migration was caused by the armed conflict between the LRA rebels and the government solders. The conflict destroyed in:frastructw·e and socio-economic service delivery systems. This consequently par·alysed the northern Uganda's development as many civilians were forced to abandon their homesteads due to traumatic experiences of killings, torture and abductions. This resulted in human disintegration and the collapse of economic and social development in the region that was based on agriculture. The prolonged insecurity disrupted education, health, communication and commercial activities resulting in absolute poverty and underdevelopment Despite effo11s by government and some humanitarian agencies to provide the needs of the affected civilians, peace and reconciliation seems to be hard to achieve. Insecurity continues to spread making normal life, relief and economic activities impossible. Due to lack of effective implementation, coordination and monitoring of programmes, the situation poses great challenges to government and international h\Unanitarian agencies present such as: WFP, UNHCR, WHO, World Bank and others. Therefore, forced migration has a significant impact on women's social, economic, cultural and environmental development. However, a positive impact regar·ding women's empowe1ment and gender equality due to changed roles was eminent. I conclude by recommending that the stakeholders need to increase the capacity to restore peace. There is need to coordinate the development projects and programmes through increased flexibility and transparency. However, the need to involve women in the reconciliation and reconstruction processes to restore peace in northern Uganda is vital / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.

Summaries in Afrikaans and English / Op 3 Mei 1848 het 'n aantll blanke nedersetters van Ohrigstad in Soutpansberg aangekom; 'n pioniersdorp, onder Ieiding van Hendrik Potgieter, is gestig en primitiewe huise is opgerig. In 1855 het Stephanus Schoeman die Ieiding oorgeneem en die dorp na homself vemoem. Die plaaslike owerheid het bestaan uit die kommandant-generaal, 'n landdros met heemrade en ander regeringsamptenare sowel as dorpsbeamptes. Tropiese koorssiektes het soms epidemiese afmetings aangcneem en talle mense het gesterf soos die kerkhof met sy rye grafte getuig. Die nedersetters, gehard deur hul swerwersbestaan, het die siektes en ontberings verduur. Vir 16 van die 19 jaar was daar nie 'n vaste predikant nie tot ds N J van Wannelo in 1864 hom in Schoemansdal gevestig het Hy het hom beywer vir die ophefftng van die inwoners op geestelike en onderwysgebied. Die mense was konserwatief en meestal ongeletterd. Hulle was bedagsaam, maar daar was ook ongure en opstandige persone. Hulle klere was eenvoudig en meestal tuisgemaak, en hulle het graag sosiaal verkeer. V erskeie beroepe is beoefen: houtsaery was betalend en hout was oorvloedig; jag was die winsgewendste, want wild en olifante was volop en jagprodukte, veral ivoor waarvan tonne verhandel is, het goeie markpryse behaal. Die swartes wat reeds in die gebied gewoon het, het die blankes met wanttoue bejeen. Blankes het hulle gevestig, grond toegeeien en onbeperk gejag, terwyl die swartes vir hulle moes werk en belasting betaal. Ongehoorsame swart hoofmanne is aangeval, vee is gebuit en vrouens en veral kinders is weggevoer as inboekelinge. Dit het tot openlike vyandelikhede gelei. Veldtogte is gevoer, maar die blankes kon die swartes, weens hulle oninneembare vestings, nie onderwerp nie. Die swartes het gewere op onwettige wyse bekom. Die handel het begin kwyn, smouse en handelaars het weggebly en die inwoners het verann en onder mekaar getwis. Die blankes het in die skans in Schoemansdal saamgetrek en Paul Kruger is met 400 man deur die Transvaalse regering gestuur om die Venda te onderwerp. Die poging het misluk en op 15 Julie 1867 is Schoemansdal ontruim. Enkele maande later is 'n poging deur Schoeman aangewend om die dorp te herwin, maar ook dit was onsuksesvol. Schoemansdal sou nooit weer herbou word nie en was die eerste vesting wat die blankes aan die swart meerdetheid sou oorgee. / May 1848 a number of white settlers from Ohrigstad arrived in the Soutpansberg. Under the leadership of Hendrik Potgieter, a pioneer town was developed. In 1855 Stephan us Schoeman replanned and renamed the town. The local government consisted of the commandantgeneral, a landdrost, heemrade, government officials and town officers. The region was unhealthy and fever stricken. Numerous graves in the graveyard are the tragic signs of many deaths. However, hardy Trekkers, endured the sickness and hardships. For 16 years there was no minister until, in 1864, the Rev Van Warmelo settled in Schoemansdal and worked zealously for the spiritual and educational upliftment of the inhabitants. Most people were conservative and illiterate. Their clothes were plain and usually home-made, and they were very sociable. There were different occupations. Woodcutters were well paid and wood was abundant. Hunting was lucrative because there were plenty of wild animals and elephant, and hunting products, especially ivory, had good market value. Black communities, which already inhabited the area, distrusted the whites. The whites settled, annexed the land and hunted wherever they wanted, while the blacks were compelled to work and pay taxes. Military campaigns were undertaken against headmen who were regarded as disobedient, livestock was seized, women, and children, were abducted under the indenture system. All this caused open hostility. Campaigns were launched against the blacks but they could not be subjected because of the mountainous terrain. The blacks obtained weapons illegally. Trade deteriorated and the whites became poorer and started to quarrel amongst themselves. The white inhabitants moved into the fort and Paul Kruger was sent by the Transvaal government with 400 men to force the Venda into submission. The attempt failed and on 15 July 1867 the town was evacuated. Schoeman, with a small army, also made an unsuccessful attempt. Schoemansdal would never be rebuilt and was the first white settlement to surrender to black majority. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)

La notion de participation directe aux hostilités n’a jamais été définie de manière précise au regard du droit international humanitaire. Cette ambiguïté a conduit à des interprétations divergentes du concept d’hostilités et des critères juridiques utilisés pour définir une participation directe par opposition à une participation indirecte (effort de guerre).D’ailleurs, les conflits contemporains posent de nouveaux défis quant à la définition et la mise en oeuvre de la notion de la participation directe aux hostilités. Les moyens de guerre de haute technicité (l’attaque de réseaux informatiques) et l’externalisation des forces armées (sociétés militaire privées), illustrent l’imbrication croissante des activités civiles et militaires et la difficulté à identifier précisément qui participe directement aux hostilités et quelles sont les mesures à prendre pour protéger ceux qui n’y participent pas directement. / The notion of direct participation in hostilities has never been precisely defined in international humanitarian law. This ambiguity has led to differing interpretations of the concept of hostilities and legal criteria imply a distinction from direct participation in hostilities as opposed indirect participation (war effort).Indeed, contemporary conflicts have given rise to further challenges in terms of defining and implementing the notion of direct participation in hostilities. The use of high-tech warfare (computer network attack), privatization of the armed forces (private military company), among others, illustrate the increased intermingling of civilian and military activities which make it difficult to determine who is taking a direct part in hostilities and what measures should be taken to protect those who are not directly participating.

The main purpose of this work is to investigate if the US ́s killing of Osama bin Laden on 2 May 2011 in Abbottabad in Pakistan was lawful. The background to the killing is what happened on 11 September 2001 when four US airplanes were hijacked and crashed into World Trade Center and Pentagon. Al Qaeda, a terrorist organisation led by Osama bin Laden, was immediately suspected for the attacks, which led to the starting point of the US ́s ‘global war on terror’. This work tries to give a short brief on ‘global war on terror’ and answer if there is a global war on terror and/or if a new category of war is needed. In order to get an answer to the main question of this work I had to investigate if US is in an international armed conflict or in a non-international armed conflict with Al Qaida. Another important question to investigate is if an armed conflict in one State can spill over to another State and still be consider as an armed conflict. Other important questions to answer are, if Osama bin Laden was a legitimate target under international humanitarian law, if he was a civilian or if he had a continuous combat function and what level of participation in hostilities he had? Not less important is also to investigate if human rights law is applicable when Osama bin Laden was killed, especially the fundamental right to life. Lastly I end my investigation with a quick review of the laws of jus ad bellum in order to get an answer if US had a right to resort to force in Pakistan. My conclusion is that the US was not involved in an armed conflict with al Qaeda in Pakistan where the killing took place. The conflict between the US and al Qaeda in Afghanistan is to be categorised as a non-international conflict. This conflict cannot be described as a conflict that has spilled over to Abbottabad where Osama bin Laden was killed. All people, including Osama bin Laden, has a right to life. Because of lack of information on what happened in Abbottabad when Osama bin Laden was killed it is impossible to give a clear legal answer if the US had the right to kill him. It could be lawful, but it could also be considered as a crime against international human rights law.

The purpose of this research was to analyse the impact of forced migration on women and development in northern Uganda. The armed conflict in northern Uganda, which started in 1986, led to gross violations of human rights against women forcing them to flee their homes and ftnd refuge in overcrowded resettlement camps. The main objective of the study was to critically analyse the causes of displacement and the experiences of internally displaced women so as to contribute to available knowledge on women and development Qualitative and feminist research techniques were carried out in Erute Camp located in Lira Municipality among intemally displaced women, using observation and interviews. The findings reveal that forced migration was caused by the armed conflict between the LRA rebels and the government solders. The conflict destroyed in:frastructw·e and socio-economic service delivery systems. This consequently par·alysed the northern Uganda's development as many civilians were forced to abandon their homesteads due to traumatic experiences of killings, torture and abductions. This resulted in human disintegration and the collapse of economic and social development in the region that was based on agriculture. The prolonged insecurity disrupted education, health, communication and commercial activities resulting in absolute poverty and underdevelopment Despite effo11s by government and some humanitarian agencies to provide the needs of the affected civilians, peace and reconciliation seems to be hard to achieve. Insecurity continues to spread making normal life, relief and economic activities impossible. Due to lack of effective implementation, coordination and monitoring of programmes, the situation poses great challenges to government and international h\Unanitarian agencies present such as: WFP, UNHCR, WHO, World Bank and others. Therefore, forced migration has a significant impact on women's social, economic, cultural and environmental development. However, a positive impact regar·ding women's empowe1ment and gender equality due to changed roles was eminent. I conclude by recommending that the stakeholders need to increase the capacity to restore peace. There is need to coordinate the development projects and programmes through increased flexibility and transparency. However, the need to involve women in the reconciliation and reconstruction processes to restore peace in northern Uganda is vital / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.