This diploma work "Participation of UN in humanitarian crisis caused by armed conflict, focused on humanitarian intervention" devotes to problems with using humanitarian intervention as one of the most controversial measures, that were reaction to humanitarian crisis, caused by armed conflicts. It focuses on humanitarian intervention of first half of 90's, when this concept was stigmatised by unsuccessful solutions to armed conflicts in Rwanda and Somalia. It tries to reveal fouls, which UN committed in these conflicts and maps out the pretences at balancing with these fouls and taking instruction to the future. Furthermore it devotes to questions which using concept of humanitarian intervention stired up and new concept Responsiblity to protect is also gone with the same questions. This work maps out measures of UN, which are using in case of armed conflicts and shift of opinion from the term humanitarian intervention to concept Responsibility to protect, which implemention is stiring up lively discussion. Nevertheless this concept was unanimously voted by all member countries in Summit OSN 2005. Efforts of international security and peace with be ever actual issue a this issue should be at front of all people's interest.

China and USA in UN Peace Operations in 1989-2010 Mgr. Jitka Evanová Summary The thesis discusses the growing role of China and decreasing role of USA in UN peace operations since 1989 with the aim to find the reasons behind their behavior. First, two chosen theories of international relations - neorealism and its modified version and English school - are described, independent variables determined and consequent hypotheses formulated. Second, the increasing Chinese and decreasing American activities in UN peace operations is shown by describing their gradually changing behavior in three areas: voting in the Security Council, personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations and financial contributions to the UN peacekeeping budget. Third, the hypotheses are tested using the congruence method that examines the explanatory power of the theories. If a reality is consistent with the hypotheses' prediction, there is a possiblity of a causal relationship between independent variable and the dependent one. I conclude that modified neorealim has the highest explanatory power as its predictions are consistent with the outcome in both cases. English school can to a certain degree explain Chinese behavior but is weak in the American case. Neorealist predictions are weak in both cases. In the end, I suggest possible...

This thesis explores the obstacles in establishing a consistent and effective response framework for humanitarian catastrophe and the importance of maintaining a sustained dialogue to this end. It does so by recognizing the underlying conflict between two positions: the norm of non-intervention of states into the affairs of others, and the protection of individuals caught in the middle of violent conflict. The importance of working towards a resolution of this conflict is illustrated through the case study of Darfur, where a divided international community led an insufficient response to the crisis that can ultimately be judged as a failure. Lastly, a recent attempt at reconciling the non-intervention/protection conflict is examined through the report of the Responsibility to Protect, which takes important steps in the direction of consensus, but ultimately suffers from inflated expectations regarding its scope or purpose.

<p>The dissertation examines three military interventions in Sub-Saharan Africa which took place in the mid and late 1990s in Rwanda, the DRC and Lesotho. These interventions took place despite high expectations of international and regional peace on the part of most analysts after the collapse of cold war in 1989. However, interstate and intrastate conflicts re-emerged with more intensity than ever before, and sub-Saharan Africa proved to be no exception.</p> <p><br /> The study sets out to analyse the motives and/or causes of military interventions in Rwanda in 1990, the DRC in 1996-7, and the DRC military rebellion and the Lesotho intervention in 1998. In analysing these interventions, the study borrows extensively from the work of dominant security theorists of international relations, predominantly realists who conceptualise international relations as a struggle for power and survival in the anarchic world. The purpose of this analysis is fourfold / firstly, to determine the reasons for military interventions and the extent to which these interventions were conducted on humanitarian grounds / secondly, to investigate the degree to which or not intervening countries were spurred by their national interests / thirdly, to assess the roles of international organisations like Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, in facilitating these interventions / as well as to evaluate the role of parliaments of intervening countries in authorising or not these military interventions in terms of holding their Executives accountable. In this context, the analysis argues that the intervening countries / Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Chad, Namibia, Rwanda, Sudan, South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe appeared to have used intervention as a realist foreign policy tool in the absence of authorisation from the United Nations and its subordinate bodies such as the OAU and SADC.</p>

The purpose of this thesis is theory development. It begins by evaluating existing explanations of why states undertake humanitarian intervention. Realists argue that states only intervene when their national interests are at stake. Normative scholars argue that states are at times motivated to save foreign citizens. Neither approach adequately accounts for the pattern of post-Cold War state practice. Building from this conclusion, the thesis conducts research based on two propositions derived from an analysis of existing debates: that examining state motive holds promise for elucidating the weaknesses in current approaches and that studying state argumentation can provide insight into state motives. To better investigate state motives, a theoretical framework is developed to explain how motives translate into state decision-making and manifest themselves in state argumentation. By employing process tracing, argumentation analysis, and elite interviews, this framework is applied to three cases: Northern Iraq in 1991, Rwanda in 1994, and East Timor in 1999. Each case study constructs a theoretically informed narrative, assesses debates between states at the United Nations Security Council, and evaluates the consistency between state discourse and state practice. The cases are then used heuristically to identify opportunities for improving existing theory and developing new theory. This yields several conclusions. First, not only do states often possess mixed motives, but the humanitarian impulse also appears in some cases to have been a necessary condition for humanitarian intervention. Second, the norm of humanitarian intervention does not function as a general rule. Rather, it is a cluster of principles derived from just war theory and international law, but also connected to related norms about sovereignty, human rights, and self-determination. Third, state decision-making is a collective process structured by the prevailing post-Cold War institutional and normative context. The thesis concludes by outlining promising avenues of research for better understanding why states respond to some occurrences of mass atrocities and not others.

The aim of the work is to analyze the concepts of humanitarian intervention and responsibility to protect (R2P) with special emphasis on their development in the light of the ongoing Syrian crisis. The text follows the evolution of humanitarian intervention into R2P and introduces theoretical assumptions behind both concepts. It is argued that at the moment, R2P does not bring particularly novel concepts into the international law and can be generally described as a hybrid of legal, political and moral obligations. Consequently, the text includes a case study of the Syrian conflict and an evaluation of the way R2P has been applied during the crisis. Final section of the work is devoted to a suggestion of a new solution for R2P - responsibility while protecting.

Thesis advisor: David M. Rasmussen / Following the idea that human rights are anchored in many cultures and find their support in many traditions, the contemporary human rights corpus is a fruit of a long history whose roots can be traced back to different societies in addressing the universal questions of injustice. If one adopts such a historical evolution of human rights, their universality might be affirmed on the assumption that they are coexistent to every human society. This view is, however, challenged by scholars who claim that the current human rights regime does not owe anything to other cultures, since they are essentially Western. The consequence of such an understanding touches the heart of the human rights’ perennial question concerning their universality, and it is the source of the Third World’s critiques. Indeed, if conceptually, culturally and historically, human rights are Western, how do they become universal? This question was first raised by the American Anthropological Association in its now well-known 1947 statement, even before the existing human rights instruments were framed. Today, it has been taken up by some Third World critics. For them, human right movement is an imperialistic swirl of Western liberalism upon other societies under the banner of United States of America that has replaced the former European imperialistic powers such as France and United Kingdom. According to these critics, there is no other area where human rights are imperialistically used by the West than in the so-called humanitarian intervention. Usually evoked as an urgent need to protect human rights, humanitarian intervention is seen as another name for the neo-colonialism in the Third World, as it is carried out by Western Powers against states in the Third World. Two challenges arise from these views. On the one hand, because of their Western origin, human rights are decried as Western and, therefore, they should not be imposed on other cultures. On the other hand, their imperialistic use by the West is an acute difficulty stemming from the global political context after the fall of Communism as a competing ideology with liberalism in 1990s. These challenges affect the theoretical justification as well as the implementation of human rights. For, according to the critics, human rights are purposely framed in liberal terms because they have to pursue and advance the Western project of conquering the whole world. Therefore, they claim, the actual spread of Western liberalism under human rights label is neither incidental nor accidental; it is a continuation of the Western imperialism which started long ago with economic exploitation, slavery and colonization of the rest of the world. Human rights is only a neutral term to translate the same reality. To those who reply that the contemporary human rights regime, starting with Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is a fruit of an international group with a diverse background, the critics respond that all of them were trained in the Western culture. And if one presents the role of the local human rights activists in the non-Western world, the critics consider them as Western mercenaries in local colors. That is why, while it springs from the cultural critique, the imperialistic challenge to human rights is a serious one because it attacks the human rights regime in its purpose and in its practice. It does not reject human rights only because they are extrinsic to the non-Western culture –cultural relativism—; rather, human rights are rejected because they are channels of oppression and exploitation as was and has always been the Western imperialism. The question now is: what do human rights become in this case? Is it possible to rescue them from both the cultural critics and imperialistic crusaders? Such a project would aim at maintaining and affirming their historicity as Western, yet showing that they are open to the possibility of being practiced in other cultures and other contexts. That it is the goal of this dissertation whose thesis is that, by domesticating human rights we retrieve the purpose of human rights of protecting and enhancing human dignity and, at the same time, it becomes possible to satisfactorily address the cultural and imperialistic challenges. Indeed, instead of thinking that people adopt and use human rights discourse because they like their individualistic side, the domestication of human rights pays attention to the process through which human rights as moral norms are incorporated in local cultures. Relying on the anthropological works that focus on the way human rights norms are integrated in different cultural contexts, this project endeavors to build a normative account of human rights based on these local practices. Philosophically speaking, domestication of human rights takes up Beitz’s insight of human rights as an emerging practice, and brings it to the beneficiaries of human rights purpose, instead of remaining at the legal level where only states are accepted as credible interlocutors, while they are the most suspected violators of human rights. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Philosophy.

[pt] A indeterminação do conceito de intervenção humanitária é latente na literatura de Relações Internacionais e do Direito. Apesar de o tema intervenção humanitária ter feito parte da agenda internacional no período pós-Guerra Fria, o que tal prática constitui permanece sem consenso. O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a problemática da falta de consenso sobre o conceito de intervenção humanitária. Para tanto, serão analisados sete elementos do referido conceito: (i) o agente da intervenção; (ii) a necessidade ou não do uso da força; (iii) a postura do Estado-alvo em relação à ingerência externa; (iv) os beneficiários da intervenção; (v) as violações de direitos humanos que podem dar ensejo a uma intervenção humanitária; (vi) os objetivos da intervenção humanitária; (vii) o momento da intervenção. Em seguida, será analisado o caso do Timor Leste, a fim de demonstrar as implicações da falta de consenso acerca do referido conceito. Espera-se, assim, poder contribuir para o debate sobre o conceito de intervenção humanitária nas doutrinas de Relações Internacionais e do Direito. / [en] The International Relations and Law literature lacks a clear-cut definition of the concept of humanitarian intervention. Even though humanitarian intervention theme has been present in the political agenda of the post-Cold War period, there is no consensus around its meaning. The objective of the present work is to analyze the lack of consensus regarding the concept of humanitarian intervention. In order to achieve this task, we will analyze seven elements of the referred concept: (i) the agent of intervention; (ii) the use of force; (iii) the target State behavior regarding external intervention; (iv) the beneficiaries of intervention; (v) the human rights violations that enable the practice of humanitarian intervention; (vi) the goals of humanitarian intervention; (vii) the moment of intervention. The next step will be to study the East Timor case so as to demonstrate the implications of the lack of consensus regarding the referred concept. We hope, therefore, to contribute to the debate on the concept of humanitarian intervention in the International Relations and Law literature.

Este trabalho procura investigar a revitalização da teoria da guerra justa nas suas formas tradicional e na Filosofia Política Contemporânea. Assim como a sua influência, dentro de um fenômeno amplo de moralização do Direito Internacional Público, acerca dos casos polêmicos sobre o uso da força armada, em especial as intervenções humanitárias e a legítima defesa antecipatória. Analisa a recepção destas idéias na doutrina do Direito Internacional, da Filosofia do Direito Internacional e nas Comissões Internacionais que trataram do uso da força armada nos últimos anos. / This work wants to investigate the revitalization of the theory of just war in its traditional way and in Contemporary Political Philosophy. As such as its influence, inside the matter of moralization of International Law, on the polemical cases about the use of armed force, especially humanitarian interventions and anticipatory self-defense. Analyses the reception of these ideas on the doctrine of International Law, Philosophy of International Law, and International Commissions which dealt with the use of armed force in the last years.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:20:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 26 / Nenhuma / Em um breve olhar sobre a atual conjuntura sócio-política internacional, verifica-se que o mundo tem passado por um período importante de sua história, caracterizado, dentre outros fatores, pelo rápido crescimento no número de conflitos armados. Entretanto, o tradicional sistema multilateral de solução pacífica de controvérsias tem demonstrado pouca eficácia e legitimidade para o enfrentamento desse grave problema. Neste contexto, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo principal verificar a possibilidade de construção de um novo paradigma jurídico de intervenção humanitária, fundamentado essencialmente nos princípios de solidariedade e não-indiferença, bem como no dever de assistência e afinidade. Em outras palavras, a presente pesquisa procura analisar que tradução jurídica e filosófica poderia ser dada à idéia de diplomacia solidária. Para tanto, considerou-se que, ao lado da intervenção militar e da diplomacia tradicional, emerge uma terceira matriz de atuação que é a evolução da cooperação internacional / In a brief look at the current socio-political international environment, it appears that the world has gone through an important period of its history, which, among other factors, the rapid growth in the number of armed conflicts. However, the traditional multilateral system of peaceful settlement of disputes has shown little effectiveness and legitimacy in the face of this serious problem. In this context, this dissertation has as main objective to verify the possibility of building a new legal paradigm of humanitarian intervention, based essentially on principles of solidarity and non-indifference, as well as the duty of care and affinity. In other words, this research attempts to legal analyze and philosophical translation that could be given to the idea of diplomacy solidarity. Thus, it is considered that, alongside the military intervention and diplomacy traditional and emerging role of a third matrix that is the evolution of international cooperation for the promotion of public policies. The structure