In a more complex and interdependent world, nations face new challenges that threaten their national security. National security should not be understood exclusively in the way of military threats by adversarial states but in a broader way: how old and new sectoral threats affect not only a state and its institutions but a nation as a whole, physically and economically. This dissertation looks into how the nature of security threats and risks has evolved in recent years. This dissertation then explores how different nations have decided to publish national security strategy documents and analyzes the way in which they include this broadened understanding of security: it finds that there is evidence of international policy diffusion related to the publication of such security strategies and that nations are evolving towards a broader understanding of security that includes models like whole-of-government, and whole-of-society. In the second half, this dissertation analyzes the route through which Mexico has reformed its national security framework since the year 2000 through a policy streams approach. After looking at the path that led to the creation of Mexico’s modern national security institutions, it analyzes the way in which Mexico national interests can be determined and how these interests inform the way in which Mexico understands national security threats and risks in the 21st Century. / text

The thesis analyses the systems, dynamics and conditions of international cooperation/non-cooperation in the international community that is embodied through international/regional institutions and organisations. As Robert Cooper describes, the international community consists of the three worlds in which the differences between them may be confrontational in international cooperation. While the post-modern civilisation and values are introduced into the institutions and organisations for international peace and security, the state actors from the pre-modern and modern civilisations and values are vigorously defending the traditional version of state sovereignty. Then, all these are equally the member of the international community and, as Robert Axelrod's Prisoner Dilemma game sets, neither state actors nor structural actors of international relations can escape from it. Therefore, it is hoped that, as Axelrod's theory suggests, the closed community, in the end, produces cooperation and a positive peace for a better future for all. In the case studies, the OSCE faces a number of non-cooperative state actors, like Russia. An anti-OSCE civilisation exists and is resisting the organisational values, while it is staying in the framework. Thus, the organisation is suffering from defectors and free-riders. Knowing the limitation of the organisation, it still has a space for improvement and a useful function which is to provide a long term process to make a non-cooperate actor cooperative.

ABSTRACT A CONSTRUCTIVIST ANALYSIS OF TURKEY&rsquo / S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA Ulusoy, Hasan Ph.D. , Department of International Relations Supervisor : Prof. Dr. H&uuml / seyin Bagci October 2005, 388 pages The thesis is about how the foreign and security policy of Turkey is constructed in a realist world where states follow rationalist policies according to how they see and perceive this world. The main argument is that Turkey&rsquo / s foreign and security policy has shown an unbroken continuity of a pragmatic and consistent nature guided by rationality that functions in conformity with how the state perceives the outside material world, through the lenses forming its own identity. As the focus is on the identity analysis, the thesis has utilized the constructivist approach in its conventional form. Conventional constructivism, which provides not alternative but complementary explanations to the world run by political realism without rejecting the realist-dominated mainstream scholarship, serves to understand how the material world where realist parameters dominate through rationalistic behavior of states is constructed and thus how the foreign polices of states are formulated. It focuses on the examination of the lenses through which states perceive and construct the world outside. These lenses simply shape the identity of the state in question. Building on this theoretical tool, the thesis seeks to provide alternative explanations to the consistency and continuity of Turkish foreign and security policy, in the post-Cold war era till the Iraqi crisis in 2002. It is based on the examination of the lenses forming the identity of the state that has governed the foreign and security policy in general and in respect to the collective identity-building of the state as regards (collective) security in particular. The assertions of the thesis are as follows: contrary to the arguments of mostly critical studies, in the Turkish foreign and security policy there exists no identity crisis despite the plurality of identities stemming from the multi-dimensionalism in this policy. These identities (sub-identities) may differ depending on the composition of ideational and material factors therein. Yet, they exist in harmony with each other under the guidance of the state (upper) identity. Furthermore, in respect of collective security efforts, arguments regarding Turkey as a security consumer causing instability are also related to identity: that is, the lack of sufficient collective identity which leads to such perceptions about Turkey. As to the methodology, the thesis is mainly based on the discourse analysis of the official documents, debates, policy papers on the foreign and security policy, as well as speeches/interviews and articles of state personalities who play roles in this policy. This is because such sources reflect the understanding of both the state organs and state personalities (civil and military officials, statesmen and politicians) about the outside world that shapes the lenses (identities), through which Turkey perceives the world in its foreign and security policy.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Há um crescente interesse da comunidade epistêmica de internacionalistas sobre a posição da política externa brasileira em diversos temas, particularmente sobre o modo pelo qual o Brasil atua nas operações de paz promovidas pelas Nações Unidas. Desse modo, este trabalho pretende refletir criticamente sobre a existência de um modelo histórico e legítimo que orienta a participação brasileira nessas operações de paz e avaliar de que forma esse modelo brasileiro foi ou poderia ser instrumentalizado pelos formuladores de política externa, para construir um discurso de legitimidade a fim de conquistar seus pleitos diplomáticos.O objeto de pesquisa analisado nesta dissertação é, portanto, o modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz nas quais o Brasil efetivamente enviou tropas: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Moçambique (1993-1994), Timor Leste (1999-2002) e Haiti (2004-2012). Esse modelo formulado está apoiado em seis características principais, os 6 Ps do modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz: pioneiro, principista, pessoal, político, polêmico e pragmático. / There is a risingawareness of the epistemic community of internationalists on the Brazilian foreign policy position on several issues, particularly on the way in which Brazil runs peacekeeping operations promoted by the United Nations. Thus, this work aims toreflect critically on the existence of an historical and legitimate model that guides the Brazilian participation in these peacekeeping operations and to assess how this Brazilian model was or could be used by foreign policymakers to build a discourse of legitimacy in order to obtain their diplomatic interests. The object of research studied in this dissertation is, therefore, the Brazilian model of participation in peacekeeping operations in which Brazil effectively sent troops: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Mozambique (1993-1994), East Timor (1999-2002) and Haiti (2004-2012).This model is formulated based on six main characteristics, the 6 "Ps" of the Brazilian model of participation in peacekeeping operations: pioneer, principist, personal, politician, controversial and pragmatic.

A tese é constituída por ensaios e reflexões amadurecidas ao longo de toda uma trajetória profissional que trouxe para o Brasil os Estudos e Pesquisas da Paz (EPPAZ). O trabalho possui três partes: 1) Segurança Internacional. 2) Inserção Internacional do Brasil. 3) Política externa brasileira nas áreas de paz e segurança. Além da metodologia crítica dos Estudos da Paz, desenvolvida pelo autor em duas instituições norueguesas (o Peace Research Institute of Oslo e o Norwegian Nobel Institute), a tese foi influenciada por três pensadores principais: C. Wright Mills, Isaiah Berlin e Guerreiro Ramos. A tese inclui ainda contribuições empíricas originais sobre a Amazônia e o SIVAM, a confiança mútua na área nuclear com a Argentina e o papel do Brasil nas Missões de Paz das Nações Unidas, especialmente no Haiti. Conclui-se pela validade heurística e normativa do conceito de custódia de segurança. / This dissertation consists of grown essays and reflections alongside an entire professional trajectory that brings to Brazil the Studies and Researches of Peace (EPPAZ). The work is divided in three parts: 1) International Security. 2) Brazil‟s International Insertion. 3) Brazil‟s foreign policy in areas of peace and security. Besides the critical methodology of the Peace Studies, developed by the author in two norwegians institutions (the Peace Research Institute of Oslo and the Norwegian Nobel Institute), the dissertation takes into consideration the ideias of three main philosophers: C. Wright Mills, Isaiah Berlin and Guerreiro Ramos. The dissertation also comprehend original empiric contributions about the Amazonia and the SIVAM, the mutual trust in nuclear area with Argentina and the function of Brazil in the Peacekeeping missions and operations involving the United Nations, especially in Haiti. It concludes by the heuristic and normative legitimacy about the concept of custody of security.

As grandes guerras da Idade Moderna foram, em sua maioria, travadas por inimigos que se organizavam sob a forma de Estado-nação. Após o final da Guerra Fria, entretanto, um conjunto múltiplo e disperso de fenômenos e atores, predominantemente não-estatais e transnacionais, tem se tornado um importante alvo das políticas de segurança internacional, especialmente as dos Estados do Ocidente. Esses novos fenômenos e atores de caráter nãotradicional são definidos na política de defesa dos EUA – bem como na daqueles Estados, setores e organismos internacionais por ela influenciados – como as “novas ameaças”, um conceito que abrange atividades diversificadas, tais como o terrorismo e o crime organizado em geral (narcotráfico, tráfico de armas e de pessoas, por exemplo). Ao mesmo tempo, estaríamos vivenciando um processo de “securitização” de novas questões a partir da extensão do conceito de “segurança” para novas áreas, como a economia, o meioambiente, a sociedade e a política, supostamente superando a segurança entendida em termos militares e estratégicos. O objetivo da presente dissertação é analisar a posição do Exército Brasileiro com relação a quatro problemas de segurança não-tradicionais presentes na Amazônia, quais sejam: as questões ambientais, os problemas relacionados aos povos indígenas, os crimes transnacionais e a guerrilha colombiana. A nossa hipótese é de que a atuação das Forças Armadas brasileiras na Amazônia continue prevendo fundamentalmente a defesa da soberania nacional contra inimigos tradicionais externos (estatais) e que, neste sentido, as questões de segurança de caráter não-tradicional presentes na Amazônia brasileira sejam vistas e tratadas pelo Exército Brasileiro como ameaças à segurança nacional a partir de um quadro tradicional – na medida em que poderiam servir de pretexto para justificar uma ingerência ou mesmo intervenção externa sobre a região amazônica, sob a alegação de que o Brasil seria incapaz de resolver esses problemas por si próprio. / Most of the important wars of the Modern Age were fought by enemies organized under the state-nation form. After the end of the Cold War, however, a multiple and spread complex of phenomena and actors, mostly transnational and non-state, has become an important target of the international security policies, especially in the Western states. This new phenomena and actors with non-traditional characteristics are defined in the United States’ defense policy – as in the policies of those states and international organisms influenced by it – as the “new threats”, a concept that entails very diversified activities such as the terrorism and the organized crime (drugs, weapons and people traffic, for example). At the same time, we are supposedly experiencing a process of “securitization” of new issues through the stretching of the concept of “security” to fields like the economy, the environment, the society and the politics, allegedly overcoming the state-military-strategic understanding of security. The purpose of the present dissertation is to analyze the position of the Brazilian Army about four non-traditional security issues present in the Amazon, which are: the environmental issues, the problems related to the indigenous peoples, the transnational crimes and the Colombian guerrilla. Our hypothesis is that the activity of the Brazilian Armed Forces in the Amazon continues to predict fundamentally the defense of the national sovereignty against traditional state enemies; in this sense, the non-traditional security issues present in the Amazon are treated by the Brazilian Army as threats to the national security considering a traditional perspective – which predicts that those issues could be used as excuses to justify external interferences or even a foreign intervention by some of the “great powers” over the Amazon, under the allegation that Brazil would not be able to solve those problems by itself.

[pt] A dissertação discute a relação entre as identidades, a construção social de gênero e a perpetração da violência no contexto dos genocídios. O objetivo central é apontar como ocorre a inserção das violências contra o gênero nessas dinâmicas, tendo como foco os crimes atualmente perpetrados em Darfur (Sudão). Argumenta-se que a construção social de gênero atua constitutivamente nos padrões de atuação do perpetrador durante os genocídios, informando suas percepções e condutas. A pesquisa evidencia, portanto, como os genocidas constroem a imagem do inimigo, que se soma aos papéis e expectativas baseados em construções de gênero, para autorizar diferentes padrões de perpetração como a violência sexual e os massacres seletivos. Nesse sentido, são relevantes as contribuições da literatura de gênero e genocídio de autores como Adam Jones e Charli Carpenter. Ao apontar como o genocídio depende da construção de uma alteridade radical, o trabalho também utiliza o arcabouço teórico proporcionado pelos trabalhos de Lene Hansen e David Campbell para contemplar a mudança nas identidades e a autorização da violência de acordo com o contexto político. A partir disso, é analisado como as identidades de gênero se articulam com a identidade do outro durante os genocídios. Em suma, a pesquisa destaca a necessidade de analisar o uso da violência contra o gênero nas dinâmicas de genocídio de maneira mais abrangente do que a realizada pela(s) teoria(s) feminista(s), revelando como o gênero pode representar um fator de insegurança tanto para mulheres quanto para homens nesses cenários. / [en] The dissertation discusses the relationship between identities, the social construction of gender and the perpetration of violence in cases of genocides. The main purpose is to comprehend how gender-based violence (GBV) occurs in these dynamics, focusing on the crimes currently perpetrated in Darfur (Sudan). It is argued that the social construction of gender interacts with the perpetrator’s perception and actions by constituting different patterns of violence in genocidal warfare. Therefore, the research shows how different patterns of GBV (such as sexual violence and sex-selective massacres) are authorized as a result of the interaction between the image of groups considered as enemies and the existing gendered roles and expectations. In that sense, the academic contributions of the literature on gender and genocide developed by authors such as Adam Jones and Charli Carpenter are crucial for this work. Since the occurrence of genocide is based on the construction of a radical alterity, the research also benefits from the theoretical work of Lene Hansen and David Campbell. These contributions allow us to contemplate the change in identities and the authorization of violence in specific political contexts. Based on the above-mentioned theoretical reflections, this dissertation will analyze how gendered identities are articulated with the identity of the other during episodes of genocide. In sum, the present work emphasizes the need to assess the occurrence of GBV by overcoming the blind spots in feminist theories in order to acknowledge how gender constructions can represent a threat to both women and men in these scenarios.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Há um crescente interesse da comunidade epistêmica de internacionalistas sobre a posição da política externa brasileira em diversos temas, particularmente sobre o modo pelo qual o Brasil atua nas operações de paz promovidas pelas Nações Unidas. Desse modo, este trabalho pretende refletir criticamente sobre a existência de um modelo histórico e legítimo que orienta a participação brasileira nessas operações de paz e avaliar de que forma esse modelo brasileiro foi ou poderia ser instrumentalizado pelos formuladores de política externa, para construir um discurso de legitimidade a fim de conquistar seus pleitos diplomáticos.O objeto de pesquisa analisado nesta dissertação é, portanto, o modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz nas quais o Brasil efetivamente enviou tropas: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Moçambique (1993-1994), Timor Leste (1999-2002) e Haiti (2004-2012). Esse modelo formulado está apoiado em seis características principais, os 6 Ps do modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz: pioneiro, principista, pessoal, político, polêmico e pragmático. / There is a risingawareness of the epistemic community of internationalists on the Brazilian foreign policy position on several issues, particularly on the way in which Brazil runs peacekeeping operations promoted by the United Nations. Thus, this work aims toreflect critically on the existence of an historical and legitimate model that guides the Brazilian participation in these peacekeeping operations and to assess how this Brazilian model was or could be used by foreign policymakers to build a discourse of legitimacy in order to obtain their diplomatic interests. The object of research studied in this dissertation is, therefore, the Brazilian model of participation in peacekeeping operations in which Brazil effectively sent troops: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Mozambique (1993-1994), East Timor (1999-2002) and Haiti (2004-2012).This model is formulated based on six main characteristics, the 6 "Ps" of the Brazilian model of participation in peacekeeping operations: pioneer, principist, personal, politician, controversial and pragmatic.

As grandes guerras da Idade Moderna foram, em sua maioria, travadas por inimigos que se organizavam sob a forma de Estado-nação. Após o final da Guerra Fria, entretanto, um conjunto múltiplo e disperso de fenômenos e atores, predominantemente não-estatais e transnacionais, tem se tornado um importante alvo das políticas de segurança internacional, especialmente as dos Estados do Ocidente. Esses novos fenômenos e atores de caráter nãotradicional são definidos na política de defesa dos EUA – bem como na daqueles Estados, setores e organismos internacionais por ela influenciados – como as “novas ameaças”, um conceito que abrange atividades diversificadas, tais como o terrorismo e o crime organizado em geral (narcotráfico, tráfico de armas e de pessoas, por exemplo). Ao mesmo tempo, estaríamos vivenciando um processo de “securitização” de novas questões a partir da extensão do conceito de “segurança” para novas áreas, como a economia, o meioambiente, a sociedade e a política, supostamente superando a segurança entendida em termos militares e estratégicos. O objetivo da presente dissertação é analisar a posição do Exército Brasileiro com relação a quatro problemas de segurança não-tradicionais presentes na Amazônia, quais sejam: as questões ambientais, os problemas relacionados aos povos indígenas, os crimes transnacionais e a guerrilha colombiana. A nossa hipótese é de que a atuação das Forças Armadas brasileiras na Amazônia continue prevendo fundamentalmente a defesa da soberania nacional contra inimigos tradicionais externos (estatais) e que, neste sentido, as questões de segurança de caráter não-tradicional presentes na Amazônia brasileira sejam vistas e tratadas pelo Exército Brasileiro como ameaças à segurança nacional a partir de um quadro tradicional – na medida em que poderiam servir de pretexto para justificar uma ingerência ou mesmo intervenção externa sobre a região amazônica, sob a alegação de que o Brasil seria incapaz de resolver esses problemas por si próprio. / Most of the important wars of the Modern Age were fought by enemies organized under the state-nation form. After the end of the Cold War, however, a multiple and spread complex of phenomena and actors, mostly transnational and non-state, has become an important target of the international security policies, especially in the Western states. This new phenomena and actors with non-traditional characteristics are defined in the United States’ defense policy – as in the policies of those states and international organisms influenced by it – as the “new threats”, a concept that entails very diversified activities such as the terrorism and the organized crime (drugs, weapons and people traffic, for example). At the same time, we are supposedly experiencing a process of “securitization” of new issues through the stretching of the concept of “security” to fields like the economy, the environment, the society and the politics, allegedly overcoming the state-military-strategic understanding of security. The purpose of the present dissertation is to analyze the position of the Brazilian Army about four non-traditional security issues present in the Amazon, which are: the environmental issues, the problems related to the indigenous peoples, the transnational crimes and the Colombian guerrilla. Our hypothesis is that the activity of the Brazilian Armed Forces in the Amazon continues to predict fundamentally the defense of the national sovereignty against traditional state enemies; in this sense, the non-traditional security issues present in the Amazon are treated by the Brazilian Army as threats to the national security considering a traditional perspective – which predicts that those issues could be used as excuses to justify external interferences or even a foreign intervention by some of the “great powers” over the Amazon, under the allegation that Brazil would not be able to solve those problems by itself.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-06-22Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:56:58Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 dallevedove_lu_me_mar.pdf: 777815 bytes, checksum: b018ab0f827300baf43f15d384f965d6 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Neste trabalho, avaliamos se a intervenção da OTAN no Kosovo corresponde a uma nova concepção de segurança desenvolvido pela Organização, conforme defendem seus países-membros em documentos oficiais da década de 1990. A Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) constituiu-se, desde sua fundação no final da década de 1940, numa aliança militar entre Estados Unidos e Europa Ocidental contra a ameaça de invasão a partir da União Soviética. Seu aparato defensivo e uma série de outros arranjos cooperativos foram articulados com base nessa premissa, que teria sido revista a partir do fim da Guerra Fria. Nos anos 1990, portanto, a organização reviu seu conceito estratégico e propôs um novo conceito de segurança, apregoando adaptar-se a um novo ambiente internacional. Em 1999, a OTAN interveio militarmente na então República Federal da Iugoslávia com vistas a interromper o enfrentamento entre seu governo, organizações autonomistas ou separatistas da província autônoma do Kosovo e a população civil daquele local, alegando garantir auxílio humanitário e a interrupção de violações de direitos humanos, algo associado a sua nova concepção estratégica. / The pursuit of this work is to analyze if NATO‟s intervention in Kosovo corresponds to a new security conception developed by the organization, as its member States argue in official documents at the 1990‟s. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was constituted, since its foundation at the end of the 1940‟s, of a military alliance among United States, Canada and West Europe against a threat of invasion by the Soviet Union. Its defensive structure and a wide range of cooperative arrangements were based on this argument having it been reviewed by the end of the Cold War. At the 1990‟s the organization remodeled its strategic concept and purposed a new security concept, affirming to adapt itself to the new international environment. In 1999, NATO intervened militarily against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia aiming to interrupt the conflict among its government, autonomist or separatist organizations from the autonomous region of Kosovo and the civil population of that region, alleging to guarantee humanitarian aid to interrupt hard human rights violations, something associated later to its new strategic concept.