This thesis concentrates on the partial reconstruction of the axiological basis at the core of the ideological – nationalistic disputes between China and Japan. The recent history of Sino-Japanese international relations is analyzed in order to show how nationalistic incentives became the rational political choice in the domestic policy of both countries. The research, concerned primarily with history, memory, and historical memory, is based on the argumentation used by the People’s Daily, an extension of the People’s Republic of China’s political line, in regard to Yasukuni shrine and Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo’s visit to the shrine in 2013. The final purpose of this thesis is to analyze the dialectical argumentation, and by comparing both country’s sentiments, to explain the role of nationalism in their current bilateral relations.

CDA is a multi-disciplinary approach to discourse which study the relationship between discourse, power and ideology. This makes the application of it on political discourse very suitable since it can be applied to analyse the specific structures of language and ideologies used by politicians to influence the recipient’s mind and hence their actions. This paper, based on a CDA’s framework, investigates the connection between the discursive strategies and the ideological strategies used by Donald Trump to represent immigrants during the 2016 presidential campaign. In so doing this study utilizes Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model (2001) of doing CDA and Van Dijk’s ideological Square (2006,2011) to analyse Trump’s speech on immigration delivered in Phoenix, Arizona during the elections of 2016. The results have shown that when talking about immigrants Trump represents them only negatively by describing them as being a threat, economic burden and deviant.This is done by exploiting the strategies of actor description, polarization, victimization, empathy, topos, number game, illustrations, lexicalization, syntax, predicational strategies, comparison, evidentiality, local coherence, implication and generalization. This led to the conclusion that by choosing to emphasize the bad actions of immigrants and ignoring their positive actions, Trump was addressing and appealing to the White Americans only.

The subject of this thesis is the contemporary literature written by the sons and daughters of North African immigrant families in France. Its main area of investigation is the place of this literature in the French literary field, in the Bourdieusian sense of the term, and the discursive features which motivate the ethnic based label of “Beur literature”. The study has a double approach in investigating both the argument for the socio-ethnic categorisation, and the reception of this literature in the French press. The literary corpus consists of twenty works from 2005 and 2006 by eighteen Beur writers. Thirteen of these works are subject to literary analysis. These are novels by Akli Tadjer, Zahia Rahmani, Faïza Guène, Mabrouck Rachedi, El Driss, Mohamed Razane, Houda Rouane, Nora Hamdi, Nor Eddine Boudjedia and Touhami Moualek, and three autobiographical narratives written by Razika Zitouni, Abel El Quandili and Aziz Senni. The press corpus from the corresponding period covers 14 titles of French national and regional daily papers, 8 titles of weekly general press and 6 titles of periodicals of literary and social debate. According to my hypothesis, the Beur fiction and the autobiographical narratives of my corpus are based on a common discourse that is expressed through certain literary means. A frequent strategy found in the novels is the subversion of French classics. Another feature is the constant referral to the French republican values. The novels share the latter of these two strategies with the autobiographical stories. This can be interpreted as resulting from a communication between a literary discourse and a social discourse which points toward a common ideological foundation. It also reveals the specific “Frenchness” of a literature that is often classified as “francophone” rather than “French” literature. The study of the journalistic reception confirms this aspect by the frequent referral of its authors to their ethnic and social origins.

This study analysed the reporting of the debate over the Guggenheim Bilbao in the Basque nationalist newspapers Egin and Diario Vasco. I was looking at differences/similarities between the newspapers, and at how argumentation changed over time (1997/1998), drawing upon content analysis, discourse analysis of the ideological themes in the reporting and an indepth analysis of two editorials, one in Spanish and one in Basque. The content analysis confirmed that economy and Basque culture/identity were highly controversial themes; and that in 1998 the museum became more accepted. An analysis of rhetorical strategies e.g. quantification rhetoric for economic predictions; vagueness/evasiveness to portray the Basques' reception of modem architecture/art, permitted the examination of intragroup/intergroup models of interaction, strategies and underlying ideological dilemmas (Billig et ai, 1988). After the inauguration, Diario Vasco claimed that the museum was concerned with Basque modem art, while Egin maintained a cautious distance. The in-depth comparative analysis of political rhetoric in two Egin's editorials, reporting similar events in Basque or Spanish, confirmed that the use of these different languages involves different construction of the readership; and different strategies to convey communality between writer/reader. In the Basque language editorial, communality was cautiously constructed until an assertive we Basques stressed search of unity, differentiation, and sovereignty: conflict/differences between Basques were omitted, backgrounded or ironized, while differences with the Spanish foregrounded. In the Spanish editorial, an impersonal third person tone avoided using the rhetoric of we. Specific Basques were blamed for the repression of Basque secessionism. A dramatic tone suggested subtle criticism against ETA, yet implying that it was reasonable to include ETA among the human victims. The explicit nation state's deixis in the Spanish editorial implied Spain was the nation state. In the Basque context the nation state's deixis was ambiguous: we Basques might be used to address Basques beyond French-Spanish boundaries, suggesting a long-term representation/project that imagined Basqueness beyond its present-day administrative division or actual political influence. The implications of such fine detail differences were discussed.

This study is a thematic-descriptive investigation of the reproduction and transformation of norms in the theoretical discourse on the novel during the 1960s. Primary literature consists of articles and essays published in West German literary and cultural journals 1959-1967. The term ‘discourse’ is applied partly in accordance with Busse/Hermanns/Teubert (1994), the term ‘theory of the novel’ chiefly in accordance with Lämmert (ed. 1984). ‘Ideology’ is not used in the sense of ‘false ideology’ but rather as an umbrella term for various types of value-related statements. From this, the theory-of-the-novel discourse is perceived as an aesthetic-ideological discourse, containing statements directed at the contemporary novel which have clear programmatic function and significant thematic width. The objective of the investigation is to show that specific comprehensive thematic fields – Werteverlust (breakdown and loss of values), Subjektproblematik (‘problematisation of the concept of the subject’), Sprachproblematik (language related problems) and Realitätszerfall (reality loss, breakdown of the reality concept) – bear discursive significance as regards the discussion of literary norms during the 1960s, and that this discussion realises itself as two aesthetic-ideological discourses competing for interpretative precedence. The major issues are: Which reiterated patterns of argumentation, i.e. norm-related categories, concepts and rhetorical patterns, are used in the discourses for diagnoses and programmatic imperatives? How are the comprehensive thematic fields accentuated? What is treated, postulated or set aside as ‘truth’? How - based on the above – is the novel formulated as a ‘problem’ (‘crisis of the novel’)? The investigation confirms that the comprehensive thematic fields are particularly central to the theoretical discussion of literature in the 1960s. This manifests itself as a discursive re-evaluation process which may be characterised as a conflict between an ‘aesthetic-conservative discourse’ and a ‘discourse of change’ (‘Veränderungsdiskurs’) where the right to define and evaluate the novel in terms of literature is at stake. It is in the collision between these two discourses and their largely incompatible concepts of literature that the novel discursively becomes a ‘problem’. The discourses are maintained by specific reiterated patterns of argumentation which in the investigation are subsumed under the following headings: die negative Modernität (negative modernity), das bloß Moderne (phenomena of ‘fashionable character’, simply expressing trends) and das Überzeitliche und das Ganze (the timeless and the totality); respectively die traditionelle, bürgerliche Gesellschaft (traditional bourgeois society), die technisch-sprachliche Realität (technolinguistic reality) and der subjektive, sprachliche Realitätsausschnitt (‘subjective language based slice of reality’). The first group of argumentation patterns is linked to universal, ‘eternal’ and essential categories and inherited norms, ethical-aesthetical educational grounding and a ‘rhetoric of the spirit’ or of ‘mankind’, oriented around a specific reception of German Classicism and Idealism, a downgrading of the present and an upgrading of the past. The other group embraces an incipient constructivism, contextually bound and societal categories and norms as well as implicitly critical programmes of enlightenment, devaluing the past and ‘acknowledging’ rather than criticising the present. In doing so they tend rather to realise a rhetoric of the linguistic and political reality and of more modest programmatic proposals.

[EN] Cyberdemocracy tries to provide the basis for establishing improvements in democratic processes. Specifically, information and communication technologies are incorporated into policy decision-making. The objectives of cyberdemocracy are: to accomplish more direct citizen participation of the electorate in political decision-making; to develop greater fluidity of information and communication among citizens and their representatives so as to increase greater deliberation of the issues; and to enhance transparency and confidence amongst stakeholders and democratic actors. This thesis takes a new stance by assessing the situation of ideological discourse in our immediate environment, the specific case of the Valencian Community. The thesis analyses ideological discourse on the Internet (specifically in social media), from a sociolinguistic point of view, based on the idea that language may act as a democratic weapon. First of all, the premises of this research will be set up in the chapters related behind the thesis. We will discuss theoretical considerations in the areas of cyberdemocracy, corpus linguistics, sentiment analysis and appraisal theory. Secondly, in our empirical investigation, we will carry out discourse analysis into an election campaign in Twitter. We analyze anonymous Twitter accounts as well as the accounts of candidates and political parties expressing ideological messages ahead of the regional and local elections on May 24th, 2015. We consider whether the internet as tool can be used to predict the results of the vote by analyzing the volume of messages, by using sentiment analysis and opinion assessment (evaluation) of the tweets. In our analysis we develop a lexicon of political-ideological terminology as used on the social network Twitter by local political representatives and citizens of the Valencian Community. / [ES] La ciberdemocracia intenta establecer las bases de mejora en el proceso democrático. Se concreta en la incorporación de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación a la vida política y entre sus objetivos se encuentran: hacer más directa la participación ciudadana en la toma de decisiones políticas con una mayor fluidez de información y comunicación entre la ciudadanía y sus representantes para aumentar la deliberación, así como aumentar la transparencia y confianza entre los actores democráticos. Lo novedoso con respecto al estado actual del tema reside en valorar la situación del discurso ideológico en nuestro entorno más inmediato, el caso concreto de la Comunidad Valenciana. Se trata de un análisis de la situación discursiva ideológica actual en internet, desde un punto de vista sociolingüístico, basándonos en el lenguaje como arma democrática de poder en la sociedad. El desarrollo de esta investigación se asentará, en una primera parte, en la contextualización teórica elaborada a partir de lo publicado hasta la fecha en materia de ciberdemocracia y, en una segunda parte, en el trabajo de campo: análisis del discurso en la precampaña electoral del fenómeno Twitter en cuentas anónimas, de candidatos y partidos políticos que expresan mensajes ideologizados de cara a las elecciones autonómicas y locales del 24 mayo de 2015 en la Comunidad Valenciana. Analizaremos si la herramienta de internet ha servido para prever los resultados de la votación a través de los resultados obtenidos mediante un análisis de volumen de los mensajes, un análisis de sentimientos y valoración de opinión (evaluativo) de los tweets y un lexicón de terminología político-ideológica del corpus lingüístico en la red social Twitter. / [CA] La ciberdemocràcia intenta establir les bases de millora en el procés democràtic. Es concreta en la incorporació de les tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació a la vida política i entre els seus objectius es troben: fer més directa la participació ciutadana en la presa de decisions polítiques amb una major fluïdesa d'informació i comunicació entre la ciutadania i els seus representants per augmentar la deliberació, així com augmentar la transparència i confiança entre els actors democràtics. La novetat respecte a l'estat actual del tema resideix en valorar la situació del discurs ideològic en el nostre entorn més immediat, el cas concret de la Comunitat Valenciana. Es tracta d'una anàlisi de la situació discursiva ideològica actual a internet, des d'un punt de vista sociolingüístic, basant-nos en el llenguatge com a arma democràtica de poder en la societat. El desenvolupament d'aquesta investigació s'assentarà, en una primera part, en la contextualització teòrica elaborada a partir del que es publica fins a la data en matèria de ciberdemocràcia i, en una segona part, en el treball de camp: anàlisi del discurs en la precampanya electoral del fenomen Twitter en comptes anònimes, de candidats i partits polítics que expressen missatges ideologitzats de cara a les eleccions autonòmiques i locals del 24 maig 2015 a la Comunitat Valenciana. Analitzarem si l'eina d'internet ha servit per preveure els resultats de la votació a través dels resultats obtinguts mitjançant una anàlisi de volum dels missatges, una anàlisi de sentiments i valoració d'opinió (avaluatiu) dels tweets i un lexicó de terminologia polític-ideológica del corpus lingüístic a la xarxa social Twitter. / Aparicio Moreno, JM. (2016). Ciberdemocracia: El poder del discurso político-ideológico en Twitter en el contexto de la Comunidad Valenciana [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/63469

This study, Jupiter, a theatre play: an ideological discourse through literature, is based upon the play written by Francisco Gavidia that tells the story of the Salvadoran nation, which after having lived many decades under the Spanish yoke, is organized with the help of the Creole elite, in order to obtain independence. For Francisco Gavidia it is important to raise awareness of the importance of freedom in the Salvadoran population. The objective of this work is to analyze the main characters in order to identify the existence of an ideological message in the drama, Jupiter. To accomplish this purpose, we have used some drama concepts established by García Barrientos 2007; some other concepts based on the narrative theory by Mieke Bal (1995), and the theory of the Historical Novel explained by Fernández (2003); both theories have served as a tool to facilitate and deepen the study of the characters, some structural elements, and ideological discourse that we find in this literary work. Our study has focused on the analysis of the main characters, both fictional and historical, with the main character being a black slave: Jupiter. This figure represents the Salvadoran population that has lived several decades under the Spanish yoke. Then we find the figure of the woman embodied in the character named Blanca. This character plays the role of a passive woman, since she has no voice or power, and she is seen as an object through which the male characters can obtain power and material wealth. Another fictional character is Beltranena who represents the Spanish power in Salvadoran territory during the Colonial era. Finally, there are two historical figures who serve the purpose of leaders in the planning and execution of the rebellion to acquire the freedom for the people. Our hypothesis has been corroborated, since according to our analysis the characters deliver an ideological message, because the author exposes the ideology through the main characters.

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