A imigração aos Estados Unidos se tornou um dos maiores fenômenos globais durante o sécu-lo XX. Alguns fatores, entretanto, estariam indicando que, especialmente a partir da crise e-conômica de 2008, os fluxos migratórios ao país norte-americano poderiam estar diminuindo. Este trabalho busca analisar tal movimento recente de imigração aos Estados Unidos à luz do histórico das políticas migratórias adotadas no país, partindo da hipótese de que a aparente redução da imigração aos Estados Unidos se trata de uma questão temporária. Inicialmente, é examinado o histórico da imigração aos Estados Unidos desde os primeiros imigrantes do país até a década de 1970, em que são abordados os principais acontecimentos históricos desta fase e sua influência na imigração, com destaque às políticas migratórias adotadas no período. A seguir, analisa-se a maneira como os índices migratórios se elevaram fortemente ao final do século XX. São debatidos os motivos que levaram a este aumento e a forma como os Estados Unidos lidaram com a questão. Por fim, o trabalho aborda alguns fatores da década de 2000 que poderiam estar causando uma redução nos índices migratórios aos Estados Unidos. São eles a crise econômica de 2008; o aumento da segurança da fronteira americana com o Méxi-co; as políticas migratórias do final dos anos 2000 (com destaque à proposta da reforma do sistema migratório de Barack Obama e a lei SB 1070 do estado americano do Arizona); e as condições internas de alguns dos países de origem dos migrantes (México, América Central e Caribe, Brasil e alguns países asiáticos) e a maneira como elas afetam a imigração de nacio-nais destes países aos Estados Unidos. A análise realizada aponta que, embora tenha havido uma redução dos índices migratórios em comparação aos anos 1990, a leve tendência de que-da apresentada ao final da década de 2000 não configura um movimento permanente, mas, sim, insere-se na tradição da imigração aos Estados Unidos de apresentar diferentes fluxos de crescimento e queda ao longo de sua história. / Immigration to the United States became a major global phenomena during the twentieth cen-tury. Some factors, however, could be indicating that, especially since the 2008 economic crisis, migration flows to the North American country could be slowing. This paper analyses this recent flow of immigration to the United States in light of the history of immigration pol-icies adopted in the country, based on the assumption that the apparent reduction in immigra-tion to the United States is a temporary issue. Initially, we analyze the history of immigration to the Unites States since the country's first immigrants until the 1970s, in which we focus on the main historical events of this phase and its influence on immigration, especially migration policies adopted in this period. Next, we analyze how migration flows rose sharply at the end of the twentieth century. We debate the reasons that took to this increase and the way the United States dealt with the subject. Finally, we discuss some factors of the 2000s which could be causing a reduction in the immigration rates in the United States. They are the 2008 economic crisis; the enforcement in the security of the American border with Mexico; the migration policies of the late 2000s (particularly Barack Obama's proposed migration system reform and the SB 1070 law of the U. S. state of Arizona); and the internal condition of some of the migrants' countries of origin (Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, Brazil and some Asian countries) and the way they affect immigration from nationals of these countries to the United States. The analysis indicates that, though there has been a reduction in migra-tion flows compared to the 1990s, the slight downward trend shown by the end of the 2000s does not configure a permanent process, but rather is part of the tradition of immigration to the United States to present different flows of rises and falls of migrations throughout its his-tory.

As the United States prepares to elect a new president, immigration continues to be one of the most controversial topics on the national agenda. While Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump announced his candidacy for president with the intent to build a wall along the border with Mexico, the Democratic presidential candidate, Hillary Clinton, has opted, instead to push for comprehensive immigration reform. The difference in approach is symptomatic of the divisiveness within the immigration debate. To explore this divide in depth, the dissertation’s research question is: What does the discourse on undocumented immigration in the United States in the 2000s reveal about the most salient drivers of conflict related to immigration. Using qualitative discourse analysis, the dissertation investigated coverage of the discourse on undocumented immigration in the mainstream news media, hoping to break the discourse into parts that can be examined to gain a deeper understanding of sources of conflict. Through the use of qualitative data analysis software, coding categories determined through identified sources of tension in the discourse spawned themes and topics that helped to analyze points of conflict. Through analyses of these themes, the research uncovered elements in the discourse that facilitated intergroup conflict through negative constructions of the out-group by the in-group. In order to mitigate conflict, the discourse on undocumented immigrants in the United States needs to be reconstructed in a way that untangles immigration issues from security issues and addresses the racialization and criminalization of immigration. In-depth media coverage of immigration stories with context can help facilitate a more constructive discourse.

Illegal or undocumented immigration is a political hot-button issue in the United States and around the world. This study investigated social psychological factors that influence reactions toward illegal immigrants. Drawing on America’s identity as a nation of immigrants and on research showing positive effects of perspective–taking on intergroup relations, this research asks how reminders of one’s ingroup history in the U.S. and perspective-taking impact Americans emotional responses to illegal immigrants and their support for pro- and anti-immigration policies. Additionally, this research investigates whether the effects of reminders of one’s ingroup history and perspective-taking depend on people’s political orientation. Results show that the combination of thinking about one’s ingroup history and taking the perspective of illegal immigrants actually leads to more negative reactions toward illegal immigrants. Furthermore, this effect appears to be driven by conservatives as opposed to liberals. These findings raise questions about which public discourses about illegal immigration would create a consensus based on humanitarian ideals, and which discourses would increase polarization. These findings also add to the growing literature on the limitations of perspective-taking as an intervention to reduce prejudice.

No description available.

The financial link in the process of illegal immigration is a little researched domain in the literature. This research is the first exploratory study to examine the role of Chinese-operated informal fund transfer systems in the U.S. in the lives of Chinese illegal migrant workers and their families who remained in China. The primary source of data was in-depth interviews with thirty illegal immigrants in New York City and Philadelphia. The findings show that the emergence of underground banks in the U.S. coincided with the largest waves of Chinese illegal immigrants smuggled into the U.S. since the later 1980s. They served as a preferred means of fund transfer among Chinese illegals due to their unique service, not necessarily because of the clients' illegal status, or any coercive actions by human smuggling groups. Through inductive analysis based on the narrative data, this research is able to trace the trajectory of the evolution of Chinese underground banks over the past decades. The evidence seems to suggest an indirect role played by these illegal fund transfer systems in sustaining transnational illegal labor migration achieved through human smuggling. The research also suggests a declining importance of underground banks and a shift away from their use toward legitimate fund transfer channels among Chinese illegal immigrants since the mid-1990s and a seemingly new role of formal institutions in filling in the vacancy left by underground banks. Finally, the findings suggest that underground banks may have been forced to and have adapted to a narrower and more illicit use. / Criminal Justice

Visa-liberalisation agreements are commonly used as an incentive by the EU to encourage cooperation within the realm of border and migration management with its neighbouring countries. The ultimate aim of these agreements is to reduce irregular migration to Schengen territory, something that has been percieved as an increasingly urgent issue for European policy makers in the wake of the 2015 'migration crisis'. However, the use of visa liberalisation agreements in such a fashion appears contradictory considering that most irregular migrants in the EU most likely are visa-overstayers. This essay takes of in this apparent puzzle and argues that securitisation theory might help us better understand this discrepancy. While the construction of the migrant as a security threat in Europe has been thoroughly examined, differences in securitisation between grups of irregular migrants are often left out of the discussion or only implicitly mentioned. By examining the discourse and practices of a central EU agency in regard to border and migration management, FRONTEX, this thesis shows that visa-overstayers are routinely left out of the securitised discussion on irregular migration, thus rendering EU policies asymmetrically occupied with irregular migration by means of 'illegal entry'. However, the thesis also uncovers a more conplex set of ideas that show that although visa-overstayers are not conceptulised as threats to security in discourse on par with other categories of irregular migrants, visa-goers and other travellers are, too, incresingly subjected to a rationale of survaillance and risk.

No description available.

Illegal immigration incurs tremendous economic, social, and humanitarian costs for Europe and the Maghreb countries. Previous literature on illegal immigration focuses on “coping” (border security, repatriation, and rescue) and “resolving” (social integration of immigrants). This thesis attempts to direct the European policymakers’ attention to “preventing” policy model. In essence, the prevention model seeks to reduce the incentives of the Maghreb people to migrate. The thesis focuses on analyzing the migration pattern in Morocco, and its implications for Spain and Italy. Based on Morocco’s two-track migration pattern, the thesis argues that rural development could reduce the incentives of internal migration, and urban development could reduce the incentives of migration abroad. Finally, the thesis analyzes official development assistance (ODA) to Morocco from Spain, Italy, and the European Commission. The analysis shows that their development efforts do little to discourage Moroccans’ incentives to migrate. The thesis recommends that the Spanish and Italian governments adjust their development assistance in a way that targets either one of the two migration tracks.

The topic of this thesis is immigration policy in the European Union with focus on the Schengen cooperation and illegal immigration. Immigration policies and other policy areas such as asylum and refugee policies have become hot topics on the EU agenda in recent years. Partly because of cooperations like Schengen, but also because a need of a common immigration and asylum policy has emerged. The purpose of the thesis is to give a better understanding of the relations that might be found between illegal immigration to the EU and the Schengen cooperation. Schengen plays an important role in dealing with international migration in the EU and will probably continue to do so in the future. The thesis is a comparative case study with Spain and Germany as the two specific cases. Their national immigration policies are examined and put in relation to the Schengen cooperation. The research questions are: What was the basic problem that was supposed to be avoided when incorporating Schengen into the framework of the European Union? How does Spain and Germany deal with the illegal immigration they have been exposed to and what are the similarities and differences between the two countries? How do the Spanish and German actions relate to the Schengen cooperation? The result of the study is, when it comes to illegal immigration to the EU there are no functioning systems to handle it. Even though there are cooperations like Schengen, that tries to standardize the management of immigration, illegal immigration included, it seems like the individual countries still prefer to deal with it in their own ways. / Uppsatsen handlar om EU:s immigrationspolitik, med fokus på Schengensamarbetet och illegal immigration. Immigrationspolitiken och andra närliggande politikområden som asylpolitik och flyktingpolitik har blivit heta ämnen på EU:s agenda de senaste åren. Dels på grund av samarbeten som Schengen och dels genom att behovet av en gemensam immigrations- och asylpolitik har uppmärksammats. Syftet med uppsatsen är att ge en bättre förståelse för de samband som finns mellan illegal immigration till EU och Schengensamarbetet. Schengen har och kommer antagligen att få en mycket betydande roll för internationell migration och EU. Uppsatsen är en komparativ fallstudie där Spanien och Tyskland är de undersökta fallen och deras nationella immigrationspolitik undersöks och sätts sedan i samband med Schengensamarbetet. De frågor som uppsatsen utgår ifrån är: Vad var det grundläggande problem man ville komma tillrätta med då man bestämde sig för att införa Schengensamarbetet i EU: s ramverk? Hur har Spanien och Tyskland hanterat den illegala immigrationen i respektive länder och vad finns det för likheter och skillnader dem emellan? Hur går Spaniens och Tysklands handlande ihop med Schengenavtalet? Resultatet av studien är att när det gäller den illegala immigrationen till EU finns det inget fungerande system att hantera den. Även om det finns samarbeten inom EU såsom Schengen som försöker att standardisera hanterandet av immigration, även illegal immigration, verkar det som att de enskilda länderna fortfarande går sina egna vägar.

Cette thèse porte sur les conditions de passage clandestin des migrants africains à la frontière sud espagnole ainsi que sur leurs logiques d’insertion dans la province andalouse d’Almeria et au-delà, dans l’espace européen. Interrogeant le rapport de force entre migrants et État, cette thèse insiste sur les capacités des migrants à la mobilité et met en lumière l’ambivalence des institutions gouvernementales, en partie liée à la fonction économique des migrants clandestins. Les articulations entre les stratégies des migrants clandestins et les logiques des institutions et des acteurs locaux y sont analysées à partir de la description des interactions, des transactions et des conflits, entre les migrants nouveaux venus, ceux anciennement installés, les ONG, les patrons, les forces de police, etc. L’approche compréhensive de l’expérience des migrants avant et après le passage de la frontière a révélé l’importance des réseaux sociaux dans l’entrée en Europe et dans la recherche d’un logement, d’un emploi et de papiers ; tout en soulignant la fonction du milieu associatif espagnol pour les migrants les plus vulnérables. D’un côté, les institutions gouvernementales oscillent entre contrôle et tolérance ; de l’autre, les migrants évoluent entre contraintes et stratégies, régularités et irrégularités. Leur migration, construite par étape, constitue alors un véritable « jeu de l’oie ». Almeria représente ainsi une étape où chercher des papiers. Cette province spécialisée dans l’agriculture possède une économie souterraine « à découvert » : elle est connue de tous et bénéficie de la complicité des autorités. Almeria centralise ainsi les migrants africains en situation précaire récemment arrivés ou déjà présents en Europe. Cette thèse propose donc de qualifier les mobilités de ces migrants clandestins « d’errance maîtrisée », maîtrise qui se fait essentiellement à travers les relations sociales et la constitution de réseaux sociaux. L’attention portée aux modalités de construction du projet migratoire après le passage de la frontière a également permis de faire émerger la notion d’ « instance zéro ». Il s’agit d’un espace-temps « autre », d’une instance intermédiaire entre le passage de la frontière et l’insertion dans l’espace européen ; un temps plus ou moins long caractérisé par la répétition de situations élémentaires de survie qui autorisent l’exploitation maximale du migrant, lequel cherche alors les moyens d’éviter cette répétition ou d’en sortir. / This PhD thesis deals with the conditions of illegal border crossing of the African migrants in the south of Spain and with their logics of insertion in the Andalusian province of Almeria and beyond, in the European space. By questioning the power struggle between migrants and State, this thesis insists on the migrants’ capacity to move and it highlights the ambivalence of governmental institutions, partly linked with the economical function of undocumented migrants. The analysis of connections between the strategies of undocumented migrants and the logics of institutions and local actors are based on the description of the interactions, transactions and existing conflicts between the migrants recently arrived, those who are already installed, the NGOs, the managers, the police forces, etc. The ethnographic study of the migrants’ experience before and after crossing the border reveals the importance of social networks to reach Europe and to look for housing, employment and papers. At the same time, it points out the function of Spanish associations for the most vulnerable migrants. On one hand, the governmental institutions fluctuate between control and tolerance; one the other hand, the migrants glide between constraints and strategies, regularity and irregularity. Their migration, built on several stages, constitutes then a real “snakes and ladders”. Almeria represents a stage where it is possible to look for papers. This province, specialized in agriculture, has an informal “uncovered” economy: everybody knows it including the authorities. Almeria centralizes the African migrants who are in a precarious situation, whatever the time of their arrival in Europe. This thesis proposes to qualify the mobility of those undocumented migrants as “a mastered roving”, mastering that is essentially done through social relations and the constitution of social networks. The attention turned to the construction’s terms of the migratory project after the border crossing also allows generating the notion of “zero square”. This means a special space-time, intermediate between the border crossing and the insertion in the European space; a time more or less lengthy, characterized by the repetition of basic survival situations that authorize the maximal exploitation of the migrant, who, therefore is looking for the means to avoid this repetition or to get out of it.