Šis magistrantūros studijų baigiamasis darbas atskleidžia ir leidžia labiau įsigilinti į Lietuvos pajūrio išsaugojimą, skiriamas priemones, susipažinti su gaunamomis paramomis aplinkosaugai, sužinoti, kur jos panaudojamos bei labiau įsigilinti į pajūrio svarbą Lietuvai. Gilintasi, kokie veiksniai daro didžiausią žalą mūsų pajūriui, bei kokią iniciatyvą aplinkosaugos atžvilgiu rodo ir kaip prisideda turistai, vietos bei kiti Lietuvos gyventojai. Tiriamojoje dalyje buvo vykdomas ekspertų apklausos tyrimas vakarų Lietuvoje (Palangos, Klaipėdos, Kretingos, taip pat rajonų savivaldybių specialistų). Ekspertų pagalba vertintos pajūrio apsaugos priemonės, veiksniai, darantys žalą Lietuvos pajūriui. Atlikta norminių dokumentų analizė, išanalizuotos gaunamos lėšos ir parama Lietuvos pajūriui išsaugoti bei padaryti darbai. Atlikta stiprybių, silpnybių, galimybių ir grėsmių (SSGG) analizė, teikiami pasiūlymai kaip pagerinti ir išsaugoti stabilią teritorijų būklę. Taip pat išanalizuoti norminiai dokumentai Baltijos šalyse (Latvijoje ir Estijoje), nagrinėta, kaip saugomas pajūris ir kokią reikšmę jis turi kaimyninėse šalyse. Informacija palyginta su Lietuvos teisine sistema. Aptarta kokia pajūrio teritorijų svarba ir kaip jis saugomas Latvijoje ir Estijoje. Darbe nagrinėjama Baltijos pajūrio pakrantės aplinkosauginė situacija (tarša, atliekų rūšiavimas, ekologinės būklės gerinimas ir išsaugojimas, analizuoti teisės aktai, paramos, projektai). Aptariama Baltijos jūros pakrantės svarba... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / This Master's thesis reveals and allows more insight into the Lithuanian coastal conservation measures on access to the support they received for the Environment, to find out where they are used, and more aware of the importance of coastal Lithuania. Jurisprudence which factors have the greatest damage to our beaches, as well as any environmental initiative, demonstrates and contributes to tourists, locals and residents of Lithuania. The research was carried out in the expert survey in west Lithuania (Palanga, Klaipeda in municipality, as well as areas of municipal officers). It has been questioned by experts whose opinion then analyzed and conclusions drawn about the coastal protection measures, factors which caused the Lithuanian coast. Normative document analysis was performed, analysis of received funds and support for the preservation of Lithuania seaside as well as the work performed. The survey and analysis of the strengths, weaknesses, documenting the opportunities and threats (SWOT) analysis and conclusions on how to improve and change the state of preservation. Also analyze regulatory documents in the Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) were analyzed, protected seashore and the significance of the neighborhood were researched. A comparison of the Lithuanian legal system. Comparable any seaside importance and how it is stored in Latvia and Estonia. The paper examines the Baltic seaside coastal environmental side (pollution, waste handling, treatment, preservation... [to full text]

The aim of the work is to shed light on the development of Lithuanian church music in the 16th and 17th century by c1arifying the influence of the reformation and the counter-reformation, and by researching Protestant and Catholic musical cultures.

Zusammenfassung der Autorin zur 1998 an der Universität von Vilnius eingereichten Dissertation

Wann Mozarts Musik Litauen erreicht hat, kann man nicht genau feststellen. Schon zu seinen Lebzeiten begann sich das öffentliche professionelle Musikleben in Litauen zu formieren. Die Hauptzentren der Musikaufführung waren die Kirche und die Schlösser der Aristokratie.

Up until now the discipline of history has most often used maps as a convenient tool for illustration. Scholars have thus touched only briefly upon the development of maps and their role in the processes underlying the formation of national territories and the establishment of ethnic boundaries. It is against this backdrop that the present study focuses on the use of maps and their significance during the construction of the Lithuanian ethnic/national territories in the period prior to 1914. The work employs a wide spatial and contextual perspective. One of its main arguments is that at the beginning of the 20th century the Russian Empire could be perceived as a multi-ethnic and regional state. Although the imperial authorities and wider public may have rejected this notion or found it problematic to accept, it was a fact which was clearly evident in the research of Russian scholars. To demonstrate this, I focus on two processes: the gradual formation of the Lithuanian ethnic space on maps, and its transformation from an ethnographical concept to an ethnic and national territory. The attempt to introduce a rational and optimal form of territorial governance in the Russian Empire depended on an increased level of geographical and statistical knowledge of the land and its peoples. Various investigations started in the early 18th century. A geographical perception was largely dependent on the mapping of the country, and from this perspective it can be argued that the Empire only really started to become visible in detail in around 1840, with the establishment of a stable administrative-territorial system. From this time onwards, Russian ethnographers, geographers, cartographers and statisticians started to investigate the state’s western borderlands, collecting, scrutinising and presenting information about the peoples that lived there. However, while the imperial authorities envisioned Russia as a solid “Russian” state, the work of scientists revealed that the Empire was not just regional, but also multi-ethnic. In the case of the Lithuanians the separation of their ethnic territory occurred most clearly after the 1863-1864 uprising, and the growth and spread of propagandistic ethnic cartography that took place in its wake, which had as its goal the Russification and de-Polonisation of the western borderlands. Although the imperial authorities were able to identify the inhabitants of the multi-ethnic North Western provinces as a result of this process, at the same time it enabled the educated and nationalistically inclined local population to begin to perceive its own ethnic space. Therefore, every ethnic line placed on a map during this period not only allowed these peoples to be ethnographically separated, but also allowed the territory to be simultaneously disassociated in a nationalistic sense from its “other” neighbours. For the Lithuanian nationalists the imperial maps and other data acted as the springboard from which they produced their own cartographic responses designed to counter the Russian and Polish points of view. The specificity of the Lithuanian maps was that even though they claimed to depict either ethnographic, or ethno-linguistic Lithuanian territory, they nonetheless emphasised Lithuania in geo-political terms, thus undermining the claims of other ethnic groups living in the border areas. The methods employed in this study can also be used in other contexts to undertake similar investigations on other ethnic groups, thus opening the possibility to obtain a better understanding of the evolution of particular territorial constructions, territorial conflicts, border disputes and so on. Moreover, although much work still remains to be done in developing this approach, the present study nevertheless points to the way in which a fusion of the history of cartography, historical geography and other related disciplines offers the historian a new way of understanding the past.

This thesis examines the impact of the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania&rsquo / s European accession process on the Russian oriented citizenship policies and laws of these states from a comparative perspective. The thesis also explores the impact of communist heritage and the construction of the post-communist state order within the context of minority rights / in addition to the consistency of the citizenship laws in the Baltic states with the European Union norms, which require the respect for and protection of minorities. The main argument of this thesis is that notwithstanding the fact that the European accession process has promoted minority rights in the three Baltic states significantly, the ethnic Russians in the Baltic states have been partially accommodated during the Baltic states&rsquo / accession into the EU. The ethnic Russians have not been entirely accommodated due to Baltic states&rsquo / fear from potential influence of the Russian Federation over the ethnic Russians in these Baltic states.

Der 6. Juli 2009 stand in Nordeuropa ganz im Zeichen der Millenniumsfeier Litauens. Zahlreiche Staatsoberhäupter waren nach Vilnius gekommen, um das wieder aufgebaute Königsschloss und die Jubiläumsausstellungen im Nationalmuseum zu besichtigen. Im Zentrum der aus diesem Anlass eröffneten Millenniums-Ausstellung zur Geschichte des Landes steht eine Dresdner Leihgabe: die Handschrift der „Quedlinburger Annalen“, in der Litauen zum ersten Male erwähnt wird.

The aim of the research work is to analyse studies for social educating in Lithuanian universities. Theoretical and analytical parts of the research includes sifting through the documentation what regulate high studies in Lithuania and comparing studies of social education in different universities of Lithuania. The results of the research improve that variority of study programmes' conditions separate skills and competences of social educators.

This work analyses pedagogical and social activities of the primary school teacher in East-West Lithuania.

Europos Sąjunga, didžiausias viršvalstybinis projektas pasaulio istorijoje, tampa tarptautiniu saugumo aktoriumi. Daugelį metų išorinės ir vidinės jėgos jai neleido šia linkme padaryti pažangos. ES buvo griežtai ekonominis projektas. Po SSRS žlugimo, JAV iškilus kaip vienintelei didžiajai galiai, naujame vienpoliame pasaulyje Europa pradėjo ieškoti savo naujos tarptautinės tapatybės. 1993 m. pradėta Europos Sąjungos sutartimi, prieš tai vadinta Europos politiniu bendradarbiavimu, Bendroji usžeinio ir saugumo politika (BUSP) atrodė kaip reikšmingas žingsnis link naujos Europos integracijos eros. Tačiau, naudodami tarptautinių santykių ir Europos integracijos teorijas: racionalizmą, liberalizmą, funkcionalizmą ir federalizmą, matome, kad „aukštosios politikos“ ypatumas neleidžia ES pasiekti reliatyvios integracijos „žemosios politikos“ sferoje sėkmės. Todėl BUSP yra griežtai tarpvyriausybinio pobūdžio. Vietoj to, kad būtų didžiąja galia, ES yra tik pilietinė ar normatyvinė galia. Mažosios valstybės sudaro ES narių daugum��. Tačiau, akivaizdu, kad dauguma su BUSP susijusiu iniciatyvų yra inicijuojamos didžiųjų Europos valstybių. Prancūzija, Vokietija ir JK dominuoja ES užsienio politikoje. Pagal požiūrį į BUSP, nepaisant problematiškos mažos valstybės koncepcijos, galime išskirti 3 šalių grupes ir teoriniame lygmenyje apsvarstyti jų užsienio politikos veiksmus. Kai kurios neutralios, taip pat kaip keletas, JAV įtaką siekiančių atsverti mažųjų NATO narių, remia glaudesnę... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / European Union, the biggest supranational project in World’s history, is becoming the international security actor. For many years the endogenous and exogenous forces prevented it from advancing in this direction. EU had been a strictly economical endeavor. After the collapse of Soviet Union and with the rise of the U.S. as a single super-power in the new unipolar word, Europe started to search for its new international identity. Launched by the Treaty of European Union in 1993, preceded by European Political Cooperation, The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) seemed as a decisive step towards the new era of European integration process. However, by utilizing the most established International Relations and European integration theories: rationalism, liberalism, functionalism and federalism, we see that particularity of “high politics” does not allow the EU to match the relative success of integration in “low politics” areas. Therefore CFSP is of strictly intergovernmental nature. Instead of being super or great, EU is only civilian or normative power. Small countries constitute the majority of the EU members. However it is quite obvious that most of the CFSP related initiatives come from the big European powers. France, Germany and the UK have been dominating the foreign politics of the EU. Within the framework of CFSP, despite the awkward nature of the small state concept, we can distinguish 3 groups of countries and theorize about their foreign policy behavior... [to full text]