<p>In order to have some say and to scrutinise the government all member states of the EU today has established an institution within their national parliaments, the Committee of European Affairs. This institution, however, has very different rights and regulations depending on the country it is established in. This study uses two rather similar countries, Sweden and Denmark, and investigates what differences and similarities the two committees show.</p><p>By constructing a comparative case study of four units of analysis, the governments and committees of European Affairs in Sweden and Denmark, the formal and informal power relationship between government and committee in each country were studied in order to determine similarities and differences and whether the committee had an impact on the governments’ EU policies. Further they were compared, assessing whether the Danish Committee of European Affairs was more powerful than its Swedish counterpart because of its legal basis in an EU document.</p><p>The theoretical framework was built on empirical institutionalism and Lukes’ first and second dimension of power. The similarities and differences were accounted for and compared. In conclusion, the Danish Committee of European Affairs has more formal power than its Swedish counterpart but regarding informal power the Swedish Committee of European Affairs has a slight advantage. Both committees have an impact on the way their government handle negotiations with the EU.</p><p>Keywords: formal power, informal power, the Committee of European Affairs, Sweden, Denmark</p>

O poder, muitas vezes, é utilizado como sinônimo de violência, visto que identifica o Estado como possuidor do monopólio legítimo da força, sendo esta a manifestação última do poder. Para o direito, a relação entre poder e violência é valorada na sanção, servindo esta como diferenciação e identificação da norma jurídica. Apesar de muitos definirem poder e violência como opostos, a crise de legitimidade jurídica que surge quando o exercício da violência simbólica deixa de ser dissimulado e desconhecido por parte dos endereçados sociais, desperta o uso da violência contra a própria violência de modo não razoável e abusivo para se forçar a obediência ou mesmo manter as relações de poder. No entanto, a substituição do poder pela violência por parte da autoridade pode ter muitas consequências, tais como o aniquilamento do sujeito, a desconfirmação da autoridade, bem como o surgimento dos poderes informais. Em virtude do abuso do poder pela violência, surge o sentimento da injustiça, pois a violência não vai além de uma justificação, pois sempre trará em si a arbitrariedade, e, por isso, apesar de poder ser percebida como eficaz e até válida, não é capaz de afastar o inconformismo humano contra a perda do sentido das coisas, pois, em última instância, valeria a regra do mais forte sobre o mais fraco. De acordo com esta perspectiva, é possível analisar a relação entre direito, poder e violência no Brasil exposta no cinema nacional, especialmente no que se refere ao tráfico de drogas nas favelas e ao crime organizado. / The power is often used as synonymous with violence, because it identifies the state as having the legitimate monopoly of force, which is the latest manifestation of power. To the law, the relationship between power and violence is valued in sanction, this serving as differentiation and identification of the legal norm. While many define power and violence as opposed to legal legitimacy crisis that arises when the exercise of symbolic violence ceases to be concealed and unknown by the social addressed, awakens the use of violence against violence so unreasonable and abusive to compel obedience or even maintain power relations. However, the replacement of power by violence by the authority may have many consequences, such as the annihilation of the subject, disconfirmation of authority as well as the emergence of informal powers. Under the abuse of power by violence, the sense of injustice arises, because violence does not go beyond a justification, as always bring itself arbitrariness, and therefore, although it may be perceived as effective and valid until no is able to fend off the human discontent against the loss of the sense of things, because, ultimately, would the rule of the strong over the weak. According to this perspective, it is possible to analyze the relationship between law, power and violence in Brazil exposed on national cinema, especially in relation to drug trafficking in the slums and organized crime.

O poder, muitas vezes, é utilizado como sinônimo de violência, visto que identifica o Estado como possuidor do monopólio legítimo da força, sendo esta a manifestação última do poder. Para o direito, a relação entre poder e violência é valorada na sanção, servindo esta como diferenciação e identificação da norma jurídica. Apesar de muitos definirem poder e violência como opostos, a crise de legitimidade jurídica que surge quando o exercício da violência simbólica deixa de ser dissimulado e desconhecido por parte dos endereçados sociais, desperta o uso da violência contra a própria violência de modo não razoável e abusivo para se forçar a obediência ou mesmo manter as relações de poder. No entanto, a substituição do poder pela violência por parte da autoridade pode ter muitas consequências, tais como o aniquilamento do sujeito, a desconfirmação da autoridade, bem como o surgimento dos poderes informais. Em virtude do abuso do poder pela violência, surge o sentimento da injustiça, pois a violência não vai além de uma justificação, pois sempre trará em si a arbitrariedade, e, por isso, apesar de poder ser percebida como eficaz e até válida, não é capaz de afastar o inconformismo humano contra a perda do sentido das coisas, pois, em última instância, valeria a regra do mais forte sobre o mais fraco. De acordo com esta perspectiva, é possível analisar a relação entre direito, poder e violência no Brasil exposta no cinema nacional, especialmente no que se refere ao tráfico de drogas nas favelas e ao crime organizado. / The power is often used as synonymous with violence, because it identifies the state as having the legitimate monopoly of force, which is the latest manifestation of power. To the law, the relationship between power and violence is valued in sanction, this serving as differentiation and identification of the legal norm. While many define power and violence as opposed to legal legitimacy crisis that arises when the exercise of symbolic violence ceases to be concealed and unknown by the social addressed, awakens the use of violence against violence so unreasonable and abusive to compel obedience or even maintain power relations. However, the replacement of power by violence by the authority may have many consequences, such as the annihilation of the subject, disconfirmation of authority as well as the emergence of informal powers. Under the abuse of power by violence, the sense of injustice arises, because violence does not go beyond a justification, as always bring itself arbitrariness, and therefore, although it may be perceived as effective and valid until no is able to fend off the human discontent against the loss of the sense of things, because, ultimately, would the rule of the strong over the weak. According to this perspective, it is possible to analyze the relationship between law, power and violence in Brazil exposed on national cinema, especially in relation to drug trafficking in the slums and organized crime.

In order to have some say and to scrutinise the government all member states of the EU today has established an institution within their national parliaments, the Committee of European Affairs. This institution, however, has very different rights and regulations depending on the country it is established in. This study uses two rather similar countries, Sweden and Denmark, and investigates what differences and similarities the two committees show. By constructing a comparative case study of four units of analysis, the governments and committees of European Affairs in Sweden and Denmark, the formal and informal power relationship between government and committee in each country were studied in order to determine similarities and differences and whether the committee had an impact on the governments’ EU policies. Further they were compared, assessing whether the Danish Committee of European Affairs was more powerful than its Swedish counterpart because of its legal basis in an EU document. The theoretical framework was built on empirical institutionalism and Lukes’ first and second dimension of power. The similarities and differences were accounted for and compared. In conclusion, the Danish Committee of European Affairs has more formal power than its Swedish counterpart but regarding informal power the Swedish Committee of European Affairs has a slight advantage. Both committees have an impact on the way their government handle negotiations with the EU. Keywords: formal power, informal power, the Committee of European Affairs, Sweden, Denmark

Titel: Valberedningen: dolda makthavare och kontrollägarens andra hand - En studie om kontrollägarens inflytande i svenska valberedningar och deras påverkan på styrelsens sammansättning Bakgrund: Tidigare forskning undersöker hur olika individuella egenskaper hos valberedningens ledamöter påverkar styrelsens sammansättning genom homosocial reproduktion. Utifrån att bolagens kontrollägare i flertalet fall finns representerad i valberedningen finns det möjligheter att även kontrollägarens närvaro har betydelse för vilka styrelsemedlemmar som nomineras. Vem kontrollägaren är och vilka intressen, mål och egenskaper denna ägare har kan vara en påverkande faktor för styrelsens sammansättning samtidigt som kontrollägarens formella maktposition skulle kunna påverkas av en eventuell informell makt som valberedningens övriga ledamöter besitter. Syfte: Studien syftar till att undersöka vilken effekt kontrollägarens representation i valberedningen får på den kvinnliga representationen i svenska börsbolags styrelser. Metod: En kvantitativ studie som tillämpar en deduktiv forskningsansats. Studiens urval baseras på noterade bolag på Stockholmsbörsens small, mid och large cap där information har inhämtats från databasen Holdings samt börsbolagens årsredovisningar och hemsidor. Slutsatser: Studien visar på tre slutsatser utifrån de empiriska resultaten. (1) Studien visar att kontrollägarens representation i valberedningen kan ge olika effekt på den kvinnliga representationen i styrelse utifrån sin ägaridentitet, vilket skulle kunna förklaras av ägarens tillgång till nätverk, institutionella känslighet eller villighet att premiera kvinnor. (2) Därmed är valberedningens sammansättning av betydelse för den kvinnliga representationen i styrelsen. (3) Institutionella ägare bör inte kategoriseras som en gemensam ägaridentitet i detta forskningsavseende då de empiriska resultaten visar på separata effekter på den kvinnliga representationen i styrelsens. / Title: Nomination committees: the hidden ruler and the control owners second hand - A study about the control owner's influence in Swedish nomination committees and their impact on the composition of the board Background: Previous research examines how different individual characteristics of the Nomination Committee's members affect the composition of the board through homosocial reproduction. Based on the fact that the company's control owners in most cases are represented in the nomination committee, there are possibilities that the control owner's presence also has a significant meaning for which board members that are nominated. Who the control owner is and what interests, goals and characteristics they have as an owner, can be an influencing factor for the composition of the board, while the control owner's formal position of power can be affected by an informal power on behalf of other members in the nomination committee. Purpose: The aim of this study is to examine the effect of the control owner's representation in the nomination committee on female representation on the boards of Swedish listed companies. Method: A quantitative study that applies a deductive research approach. The study's selection consists of listed companies on the Stockholm Stock Exchange's small, mid and large cap. Information have been collected from the database Holdings and the stock companies' annual reports and websites. Conclusions: The study shows three conclusions based on the empirical results. (1) The study shows that the control owner's representation in the nomination committee can have different effects on the female representation on the board based on their owner identity, which could be explained by the owner's access to networks, institutional sensitivity or willingness to nominate women. (2) Thus, the composition of the nomination committee is of importance for the female representation on the board. (3) Institutional owners should not be categorized under a common ownership identity in this research area, as the empirical results show separate effects on the female representation on the board.