Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order. Public reaction to the use of force was strong and the government, particularly Gen. J.C. Smuts, was severely criticised resulting in a defeat in the 1924 election. Over the period 1921 to 1932 indigenous populations in South Africa and South West Africa such as the Israelites (1921), the Bondelswarts (1922), the Rehoboth Basters (1925) and the Ukuambi (1932), were suppressed through punitive expeditions by the police and military forces of the Union of South Africa. The indigenous populations were a.o. grieved by the government’s implementation of branding laws, enforced indentured labour, dog and hut tax. The government’s prevailing racial policy of that time, manifested in a master and servant attitude towards the indigenous populations, exacerbated an existing grievance of restrictive political rights. The government reacted quickly and economically in suppressing any indigenous population’s protests involving militant action. Although the use of aeroplanes was criticised, it was a force multiplier and greatly assisted the small number of police and military forces deployed in minimising casualties on both sides. The government also had to suppress militant Afrikaner uprisings during the First and Second World Wars. In 1914 and 1915, prominent Afrikaner leaders and veterans of the Anglo-Boer War reacted militantly against the government’s participation in the First World War. Gen. L. Botha and Gen. Smuts were the architects of their suppression through quick mobilisation of the Active Citizen Force, using mostly Afrikaans speaking volunteers. The period between the two world wars saw the growth of the Afrikaners on a political, social and limited economical level. This gave rise to further dispute on political and social levels when the government once again opted to fight alongside Britain in the Second World War. Old animosities between the Afrikaners and British were relived and militant elements within Afrikaner society mobilised to impede this participation. The government resorted to using the Union Defence Forces and SA Police to facilitate internment, for spying and to guard strategic objectives in an effort to prevent sabotage and other serious damage to the war effort. Smuts received severe criticism from mostly Afrikaners who were against participation in the war, and the general public who had to suffer under the conditions of martial law. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van militêre mag in die onderdrukking van interne onrus is ‘n algemene verskynsel in die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika. Sedert 1652 het die Europese koloniale besetting van Suid-Afrika gepaard gegaan met geweld. Boerekommando’s en Britse militêre regimente en vrywilligereenhede het die vrede in verafgeleë gebiede gehandhaaf en die plaaslike bevolkings onderwerp, net soos ander koloniale moondhede, byvoorbeeld, Frankryk in Noord-Afrika en Duitsland in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika gedoen het. Die periode van 1912 tot 1945 was geen uitsondering nie, maar met die verskil dat opstande ook onder die blanke bevolking onderdruk is. In 1907, 1913, 1914 en 1922 het die blanke industriële werkers sodanige onderdrukking ervaar. Werksonsekerheid en loongeskille was die dryfkrag agter die stakings en die stakers se militante optrede het die regering gedwing om militêre mag te gebruik om die opstande te onderdruk, nadat die polisie se pogings om wet en orde te handhaaf, misluk het. Die publiek was sterk gekant teen sulke hardhandige optrede en Genl. J.C. Smuts het veral onder kritiek deurgeloop, wat tot sy politieke nederlaag gelei het. Opstandige inheemse bevolkings in Suid-Afrika en Suidwes-Afrika soos die Israeliete (1921), die Bondelswarts (1922), die Rehoboth Basters (1925) en die Ukuambi (1932) het deurgeloop onder strafekspidisies van elemente van die Unie van Suid-Afrika se polisie en weermag. Die inheemse bevolking is gegrief deur die regering se implimentering van brandmerkwette, geforseerde kontrakarbeid, hut- en hondebelasting. Die regering se rassebeleid van die tyd het ‘n meester-en-onderdaan-houding teenoor die inheemse bevolkings geskep, wat die teer kwessie van beperkte politieke regte vererger het. Opstande deur inheemse bevolkings wat militant van aard was, is op ‘n vinnige en ekonomiese manier onderdruk, dog het skerp kritiek uitgelok. Die benutting van vliegtuie om die opstande te onderdruk was ‘n magsvermenigvuldiger wat die klein polisie- en weermag gehelp het om verliese tydens die onderdukking van opstande aan beide kante te beperk. Die regering het ook opstande van Afrikanergroepe tydens die Eerste en Tweede Wêreldoorlog onderdruk. In 1914-1915 het prominente Afrikanerleiers en veterane van die Anglo-Boereoorlog militant opgeruk teen die regering in verset oor die regering se deelname aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Genl. L. Botha en Genl. Smuts was die argitekte van die vinnige onderdrukking van die opstande deur die Aktiewe Burgermag op te roep en hoofsaaklik Afrikaanssprekende vrywilligers te gebruik. Die periode tussen die twee Wêreldoorloë is gekenmerk deur die groei van die Afrikaner op politieke, sosiale en in ‘n beperkte mate, ook ekonomiese gebied. Hieruit het verdere onenigheid op politieke en sosiale vlak onstaan toe die regering weer besluit het aand die kant van Brittanje tot die Tweede Wêreldoorlog toe te tree. Ou vyandighede tussen Afrikaans- en Engelssprekendes het herleef en militante elemente binne die Afrikanersamelewing het gemobiliseer om die deelname te belemmer. Die regering het die Unieverdedigingsmag en die SA Polisie gebruik vir internering, spioenering en die beveiliging van strategiese doelwitte teen sabotasie en ander aktiwiteite wat die oorlogsdeelname sou belemmer. Smuts het die meeste kritiek ontvang van Afrikaners wat gekant was teen die oorlog, asook die publiek in die algemeen wat gebuk gegaan het onder krygswet.

'On All Fronts' is a thesis focused on the EOKA insurgency in Cyprus (1955-1959), which aimed at overturning British rule and unifying the island with Greece. EOKA’s campaign was one of several insurgencies carried out against Britain in the two decades following the Second World War. This allowed British policymakers and soldiers to apply lessons learned in other colonies on the island. These lessons included pursuing a political solution in tandem with military operations, unifying command and control, improving intelligence capabilities, and increasing the number of police and soldiers on the ground. Cyprus also presented distinctive challenges. The insurgency was not inspired by communism, like many other anti-colonial struggles, but by right-wing nationalism. The campaign was also intimately linked to the strategic reorganisation undertaken by Britain after 1945. Retreat from India and Palestine increased the importance of the Middle East and Africa, making a presence in Cyprus central to Britain’s post-war plans. Finally, Cypriot demographics meant that the island’s Turkish minority (some eighteen percent) – supported by Ankara – opposed union with Greece. An ethnic-based civil war on the island was possible, as was a regional war between Greece and Turkey. British policy sought to avoid both of these potential conflicts while maintaining the strength of NATO and positive relations with both Athens and Ankara. Utilizing newly declassified papers from the British government, in conjunction with evidence from Greek-Cypriot sources, this study offers insights into the campaign from the perspective of both insurgent and counter-insurgent forces. Parallel to the military analysis, the thesis addresses the political aspect of the insurgency, demonstrating the deep connection in insurgency war between military operations and diplomatic negotiation. While counter-insurgency operations failed to destroy EOKA, the success of government forces created pressure for a diplomatic solution and highlighted the reality that there were insurmountable military and strategic obstacles to union with Greece.

This study examines the relationship between popular support for the Kurdish Worker’s Party (PKK), which is an ethnic insurgent and terrorist organization mainly operating in Turkey, and its terrorist activities during the pre-and post-election periods in Turkey . Popular support has been measured through popular votes for the political party affiliated with the PKK in 1999 general, 2004 local and 2007 general elections. Two leading theories of social movements, Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT) and Relative Deprivation Theory (RD), were used as theoretical approach. The study uses secondary data and constructs a longitudinal design. An advanced statistical analysis technique, a generalized hierarchical linear model: time nested within subjects (or GHLM repeated measures) was employed in this study. Findings indicate that popular support is positively related to terrorist attacks of the PKK in Turkey. More popular support for the insurgent leads to more terrorist attacks. Furthermore, terrorist attacks gradually increased over the pre-election period of general elections. However, terrorist attacks abruptly increased upon the election but then subsequent terrorist attacks decline over the post-election periods.

In the 1990s and early 2000s, the Chechens fought against the Russians for independence. The focus in the literature available has been on the wars and the atrocities caused by the wars. The literature then hypothesizes that the insurgency of today is just a continuation of the past. They do not focus on a major event in Chechen history: the Soviet liquidation of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in 1944. It is this author’s assertion that the liquidation of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR forever changed the mindset of the people because it fractured a society that was once unified. This project will compare the Chechen insurgency from the beginnings until the deportation and after the deportation. This will allow me to show how the deportation changed the Chechen mindset and disprove the assertion that these two Chechen wars were just a continuation of the past.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Dec 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004. / Thesis Advisor(s): Kalev I. Sepp. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-96). Also available online.

Uppsatsens syfte är att pröva doktrin JP 3-24 mot en teoretisk grund samt hur underrättelseproblematik kopplat till upprorsbekämpning i Afghanistan relaterar till doktrinen. I syftet ingår också att koppla problematiken till svensk relevans då Sverige lutar sig mycket på amerikanska erfarenheter i underrättelsearbetet.   Arbetet utgår från en bred teorigrund som operationaliseras i ett analysverktyg där fyra dimensioner ur ett befolkningscentrerat perspektiv genomlyser empirin. Empirin är ett subjektivt urval med exempel från Afghanistan mellan 2006-2012. Resultatet visar att trots en teoretiskt och doktrinellt stabil bas så fokuserar fortfarande många amerikanska förband felaktigt avseende underrättelsearbetet. Relationen mellan teori-doktrin-praktik påvisar en tydlig korrelation i att om doktrinen följs maximeras sannolikheten för seger i upprorsbekämpning. Övergripande slutsats är att det krävs ett omtag gällande utbildning och förberedelse av förbanden där resurser bör styras om till kulturell förståelse, bättre databassystem, metodöversyn, analytikerutbildning, samordning av informationsintegrering samt en mer utvecklad underrättelseledning. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine the JP 3-24 doctrine against a theoretical basis and investigate how the intelligence problems of counterinsurgency inAfghanistanrelate to the doctrine. The aim is also to link the problem to its relevance forSwedensinceSwedenleans heavily onU.S.experience in intelligence matters.The thesis is grounded on a broad theoretical basis which is operationalized in an analysis in which five dimensions of a people-centered perspective are applied to the empirical data. The empirical data is a subjective selection of examples fromAfghanistanbetween 2006-2012.The result shows that despite JP 3-24’s theoretical and doctrinal solid foundation, manyU.S.units are still improperly focused. The relationship between theory, doctrine and practice shows a clear correlation between following the doctrine and maximizing the probability of victory in counterinsurgency. The overarching conclusion is that a new approach to the training and preparation of units is required, where resources should be redirected to cultural understanding, better database systems, method revision, analyst training, coordination of information integration and intelligence management and leadership.

Submitted by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2018-09-14T18:09:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TXAPUÃ MENEZES MAGALHÃES.pdf: 1105252 bytes, checksum: 0be6ee166af00ad68937e0cecdd02a7e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2018-09-14T18:10:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TXAPUÃ MENEZES MAGALHÃES.pdf: 1105252 bytes, checksum: 0be6ee166af00ad68937e0cecdd02a7e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-14T18:10:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TXAPUÃ MENEZES MAGALHÃES.pdf: 1105252 bytes, checksum: 0be6ee166af00ad68937e0cecdd02a7e (MD5) / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar a atuação do Conselho de Estado em relação à escravidão no Segundo Reinado. Parte-se da premissa de que o Conselho, na orientação do Poder Moderador e da administração imperial, possuía como objetivo primordial construir e manter a ordem no Império do Brasil. A escravidão se afigura como principal problema sobre o qual se debruçavam os conselheiros e em que se pode acessar as suas concepções jurídicas e políticas. Ao tratar do escravismo, compreende-se que o Conselho de Estado interpretava a legislação de acordo com as conveniências da ordem estatal, ora estendendo, ora restringindo, ou até mesmo afastando completamente a legalidade. Desse modo, procura-se problematizar a atuação dos conselheiros em relação ao Direito, demonstrando como, em relação à escravidão, o Conselho de Estado atuava com foco na estabilidade da ordem. Intenta-se perquirir, todavia, que ordem é esta, compreendendo os limites da afirmação de que os conselheiros eram representantes da classe senhorial. Para a consecução do trabalho, foram analisados pareceres do Conselho de Estado Pleno, da Seção de Justiça e da Seção de Negócios Estrangeiros, além de discursos parlamentares e dispositivos legais. Através dessas fontes primárias, em diálogo com a bibliografia especializada, o trabalho analisa a atuação do órgão em relação à Lei de 10 de junho de 1835, às leis antitráfico, aos limites da intervenção do Estado na relação senhor-escravo, bem como nos problemas colocados pelo isolamento do Brasil em razão da manutenção da escravidão. Por meio da análise dos pareceres, pretende-se testar a hipótese de que os conselheiros intentaram garantir a estabilidade da ordem escravista, a despeito da crescente crítica sofrida pelo regime, sendo que o objetivo principal era evitar a mobilização dos escravos. Além disso, pretende-se compreender qual era a ordem pensada pelo Conselho de Estado e em que medida coincidia com a que era defendida pela classe senhorial. Assim, será possível compreender a conduta do órgão ao longo do Segundo Reinado, enquanto agentes que atuaram em defesa do Estado imperial. / The present research has the objective of studying the Council of State performance in relation to slavery in the Second Reign. It is based on the premise that the Council, under the guidance of the Moderating Power and the imperial administration, had as its primary objective to build and maintain order in the Empire of Brazil. Slavery seems to be the main problem on which counselors were concerned and in which their juridical and political conceptions can be accessed. In dealing with slavery, it is understood that the Council of State interpreted legislation in accordance with the conveniences of state order, sometimes extending, sometimes restricting, or even completely repealing legality. In this way, it is tried to problematize the action of the advisers in relation to the Right, demonstrating how, in relation to slavery, the Council of State acted with focus in the stability of the order. However, it is attempted to ascertain what order this is, by understanding the limits of the assertion that the councilors were representatives of the seigniorial class. In order to carry out the work, opinions of the Full Council of State, the Justice Section and the Foreigners Section were analyzed, as well as parliamentary speeches and legal provisions. Through these primary sources, in a dialogue with the specialized bibliography, the work analyzes the action of the Council of State in relation to the Law of June 10, 1835, to anti-traffic laws, to the limits of state intervention in the slave-master relationship, and in the problems posed by the isolation of Brazil because of the maintenance of slavery. Through the analysis of the opinions, it is tried to test the hypothesis that the councilors tried to guarantee the stability of the slave order, in spite of the increasing criticism undergone by the regime, being the main objective was to avoid the mobilization of the slaves. In addition, one intends to understand what order was thought by the Council of State and in what extent it coincided with the one that was defended by the seigniorial class. Thus, it will be possible to understand the conduct of the organ throughout the Second Reign, as agents who acted in defense of the imperial state.

Based on Hobsbawm’s notion of “invented traditions,” this thesis argues that the Serbian warrior tradition, the hajduk, was formalised from the folk oral epic tradition into official state practices. Using reports from the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, military histories of Yugoslavia’s Second World War, and case files from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), this thesis shows how the hajduk epics were used to articulate war programs and formations, to construct perpetrator and victim identities, and to help encourage and justify the levels of violence during the Yugoslav wars of succession, 1991-1995. The thesis shows how the formalising of the invented hajduk tradition made the epics an important part of political and military mobilisation for at least the last two centuries. During Serbia’s modernisation campaign in the nineteenth century, the epic hajduk traditions were codified by Serbian intellectuals and fashioned into national stories of heroism. While cleansing territories of undesirable populations during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, the hajduks were portrayed in the tradition of nation builders by the Kingdom of Serbia. The hajduk tradition was also mobilised as Nazi Germany invaded Yugoslavia in 1941, with both Draža Mihailović’s Četniks and Tito’s Partisans appropriating the historic guerrilla tradition. During the “re-traditionalisation” period under Slobodan Milošević in the 1980s, the invented hajduk tradition was again mobilised in the service of war. As Bosnian Muslim bodies were flung from the Mehmed Sokolović Bridge in Višegrad in 1992, the Serbian perpetrators dreamed of themselves as avenging hajduks thus justifying a modern ethnic cleansing. / Graduate

Approved for public release / The atrocities committed by Americans at Abu Ghraib shocked the collective American moral conscience. Guilty of inhumane treatment of its prisoners there, Abu Ghraib did immeasurable damage to U.S. credibility and made clear that American detainee policy is off-track and needs to comply with objective standards of law, morality, and operational effectiveness. The emotional aftermath of 9/11 created a politically permissive environment within which the military organizational structures was unsuited for the critical tasks assigned to them relative to the context of the Bush Administration’s “new paradigm.” Two issues sit at the forefront of the political context of U.S. detainee policy: war powers and human rights. This thesis will utilize a synthesized decision-making model to analyze the President’s decisions leading to the current detainee policy. Policy alternatives require smaller corrections to bureaucratic process, not a major reorganization of bureaucratic structure. This thesis will provide policy-makers with a moral and legal framework for a corrected detainee policy. Adoption of the full framework of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, including U.S. ratification of Additional Protocols I and II (1977), provides the best framework to combat transnational insurgency, while retaining the moral and legal high ground required of the world’s superpower. / Major, United States Air Force