A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Claremont Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate Faculty of Government.

<p>I have conducted a survey of the economic sanctions on Iraq 1990-2003 and focused on how the sanctions were implemented and how economic sanctions work in practice. In particular, I have researched the objectives the United Nations had for implementing economic punishment on Iraq, how they came into use and the outcome of it in brief.</p><p>As for the million-dollar question: Were the economic sanctions on Iraq efficient and did they “work”? My opinion stands clear that economic sanctions can work in the future. The sanction policy faced major problems in Iraq, but it also disarmed the Iraqi dictator and gave more autonomous power for the Kurds in the north. They did not “work” as the world community had expected, but no one knows what the outcome would have been if the United Nations had not reacted with such determination as they did in this matter. It is easy to be wise after the event, and it is my personal wish that economic sanctions can be used in the future, as an alternative to open war, but with a lower cost in terms of civilian lives.</p>

I have conducted a survey of the economic sanctions on Iraq 1990-2003 and focused on how the sanctions were implemented and how economic sanctions work in practice. In particular, I have researched the objectives the United Nations had for implementing economic punishment on Iraq, how they came into use and the outcome of it in brief. As for the million-dollar question: Were the economic sanctions on Iraq efficient and did they “work”? My opinion stands clear that economic sanctions can work in the future. The sanction policy faced major problems in Iraq, but it also disarmed the Iraqi dictator and gave more autonomous power for the Kurds in the north. They did not “work” as the world community had expected, but no one knows what the outcome would have been if the United Nations had not reacted with such determination as they did in this matter. It is easy to be wise after the event, and it is my personal wish that economic sanctions can be used in the future, as an alternative to open war, but with a lower cost in terms of civilian lives.

Antrasis pasaulinis karas – vienas iš baisiausių karų žmonijos istorijoje. Jis nusinešė daugiau nei 60 milijonų žmonių gyvybių. Pagrindinis tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės tikslas – apsaugoti žmonių gyvybes. Deja, Antrojo pasaulinio karo metu to padaryti nepavyko. Šiame darbe siekiama apžvelgti šio karo metu galiojusias tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės normas, jų spragas, valstybių įsipareigojimų apimtį ir vykdytus pažeidimus bei išsiaiškinti jų priežastis. Taip pat apžvelgiama Antrojo pasaulinio karo įtaka vėlesnei tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės raidai. Pirmoje darbo dalyje apžvelgtos pagrindinės iki Antrojo pasaulinio karo priimtos tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės normos, Tarptautinių diplomatinių konferencijų baigiamieji aktai, siekta išsiaiškinti valstybių ketinimus ir tikslus dėl tarptautinių ginkluotų konfliktų reglamentavimo. Toliau apžvelgiami tarptautiniai konfliktai, autoriaus nuomone, turėję priversti tarptautinę bendriją susimąstyti dėl humanitarinės teisės normų veiksmingumo. Pirmasis pasaulinis karas ir Italijos – Etiopijos karas parodė, kad galiojusias teisės normas būtina tobulinti, nes jos nesugebėjo užtikrinti pagrindinių humanitarinės teisės tikslų – apsaugoti žmonių gyvybių bei padaryti karą humaniškesnį. Antroji šio darbo dalis skirta karo aukų apsaugai. Iš pradžių kalbama apie sužeistųjų ir ligonių apsaugą ginkluoto konflikto metu. Jų padėtį reglamentavo 1929 m. Ženevos konvencija dėl sužeistųjų ir sergančiųjų padėties veikiančiose armijose... [to full text] / The Second World War is one of the most terrible wars in the history of mankind. There were about 60 million direct victims of the war. The main aim of international humanitarian law is to protect lives of human beings. Unfortunately, it failed to do this during the Second World War. In this work it is intended to review the main rules which were in effect during this war, their gaps and imperfections, the obligations of the belligerents and violations committed by them. It is also discussed the impact of the World War Two to the future development of the international humanitarian law.

Orientador: Andrei Koerner / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T10:20:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Storti_JanainaMarques_M.pdf: 1482527 bytes, checksum: b10d2643bb449e236e1b90c9ddacc74a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Com o fim da Guerra Fria os Estados Unidos se consolidam no cenário internacional como a única superpotência em termos políticos, militares e econômicos. A partir da queda do inimigo soviético, perspectivas emergem a fim de identificar quais ameaças seriam capazes de colocar em xeque a segurança nacional dos EUA. Neste período, estas novas ameaças foram definidas em duas instâncias, uma considerando as ameaças estatais, relativas aos estados hostis aos EUA bem como os estados delinqüentes os quais representavam ainda uma ameaça generalizada à segurança internacional, e a outra considerando as ameaças não estatais, focadas principalmente no terrorismo como fonte de insegurança e instabilidade internacional. Tendo isto em vista, essa dissertação analisará o documento National Security Strategy dos governos de George H. W. Bush (1989-1993), William J. Clinton (1993-2001) e George W. Bush (2001-2009) com o objetivo de compreender como este define as ameaças aos Estados Unidos, bem como estabelece prioridades estratégicas e objetivos, a fim de direcionar como as ameaças serão enfrentadas. Ao mesmo tempo, será feita uma contraposição entre a análise do documento e as ações desempenhadas pelos governos nas questões de segurança nacional. / Abstract: With the end of the Cold War the United States consolidate themselves in the international scenery as the only superpower in political, military and economic terms. Since the fall of the Soviet enemy, perspectives emerge in order to identify which threats would be able to put in check the national security of the USA. In this period, these new threats were defined in two instances, one considering the state actors, relative to hostile states to the USA as well as the rogue states which ones represented a generalized threat to the international security, and the other considering the non-state threats, focused mostly in the terrorism as a source of international insecurity and instability. Having this in mind, this dissertation will analyze the National Security Strategy release of the governments of George H. W. Bush (1989-1993), William J. Clinton (1993-2001) and George W. Bush (2001-2009) in order to comprehend how these documents define the threats to the United States, as well as how it establishes strategic and objective priorities in order to address how the threats will be faced, at the same time, will be made a comparison between the document analysis and the actions performed by the governments in the national security issues. / Mestrado / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

This thesis aims to contribute to the existing gap in the research of religion in international relations by applying the theory of elite instrumentalism to the proxy conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The analysis was able to demonstrate that the elites of both states have instrumentalized religion by utilizing concepts of Islamic rulership to legitimize their rule and justify their political actions. Iran has utilized the Shia Twelver concept of “Guardianship of the Jurist”, advocated by Ayatollah Khomeini during the Iranian revolution, to give Islamic jurists the same function as holy figures in Shia Islam. Saudi elites have legitimized their rule with the Wahhabi interpretation of Sunni Islam and the concept of “Head of the community”, which deems it sinful for subjects to oppose their Muslim ruler. By analysing fatwas, speeches, narratives and ideas being pushed by the elites of the countries, this study confirms that state elites have used religion to mobilize groups in the civil wars occurring in Yemen and Syria. Elites of both states have attempted to discredit each other to be able to expand their influence in the region and to assert their dominance by presenting themselves as rulers with the God-given right to rule.

Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de examinar o comportamento do estado brasileiro diante das manifestações de insatisfação do Paraguai com o Tratado de Itaipu que reivindicou renegociações sobre o uso da água e a distribuição da geração elétrica. Elas resultaram em revisões de partes do Tratado ao longo da década de 2000. O subsistema platino está dividido em dois tempos, o primeiro de ocupação da fronteira, no período da construção da usina em que a ordem regional rivalizava com a Argentina, e o segundo a partir da década de 2000, quando se consolida uma nova ordem regional voltada à integração. A Itaipu Binacional usa as águas transfronteiriças da bacia onde os dois Estados fazem fronteira e sua existência depende do alinhamento de interesses entre os Estados ribeirinhos no projeto binacional. Isto demonstrou a superação da função de separação política, no entanto tornou mais evidente as desigualdades entre as Partes. As assimetrias no uso das águas transfronteiriças revelam relações de poder entre os Estados ribeirinhos e sugere a existência de agente hidro-hegemônico. No diálogo entre Geografia Política, Geopolítica e Relações Internacionais, defende-se a ideia de que o uso compartilhado da água transfronteiriça impõe uma realidade de interdependente que adapta o comportamento dos Estados, a distribuição de poder e as suas fontes, mas, mesmo assim, mantém a racionalidade estratégica autointeressada. Para viabilizar a investigação foram analisados documentos elaborados pelo Itamaraty e pela Itaipu Binacional, além de fontes secundárias. / This dissertation aims to examine the behavior of the Brazilian state in face of the manifestations of dissatisfaction of Paraguay with the Treaty of Itaipu that demanded renegotiations on the use of water and the distribution of electricity generation. They resulted in revisions of parts of the Treaty throughout the 2000s. The Platinum subsystem is divided into two periods, the first to occupy the frontier, during the construction of the plant in which the regional order rivaled Argentina, and the second from the 2000s, when a new regional order for integration was consolidated. Itaipu Binacional uses the transboundary waters of the basin where the two States border and their existence depends on the alignment of interests among the riparian states in the binational project. This has demonstrated the overcoming of the political separation function, but has made more evident the inequalities between the Parties. Asymmetries in the use of transboundary waters reveal power relations among riparian states and suggests the existence of a hydrohegemonic agent. In the dialogue between Political Geography, Geopolitics and International Relations, the idea is defended that the shared use of transboundary water imposes an interdependent reality that adapts the behavior of States, the distribution of power and its sources, maintains the self-interested strategic rationality. In order to facilitate the investigation, documents prepared by Itamaraty and Itaipu Binacional were analyzed, as well as secondary sources.

Cette recherche analyse la médiation dans la résolution des conflits internationaux, à partir de deux interventions médiatives de Martti Ahtisaari, au milieu des années 2000. Cet ancien secrétaire général-adjoint des Nations unies, ancien président finlandais, prix Nobel de la paix 2008, se voit comme l'homme du centre et non l'homme du milieu. Il se perçoit intimement comme l'homme-de de la paix, son véritable co-décideur. Cette étude dévoile sa coulisse médiative selon une approche empruntée à E. Goffman. Ce travail s'appuie sur une trentaine d'entretiens, réalisées avec des personnalités impliqués dans le deux médiations. Notre approche donne la parole aux «adversaires médiatifs» du célèbre finlandais sous-représentés dans la littérature disponible, à l'instar de l'expert australien Damien Kingsbury. Nous avons aussi mobilisé des images animées ou fixes ; certaines sont inédites. La thèse examine les rapports entre médiation et négociation, via le rôle de divers acteurs internationaux, comme le ONG, l'UE, les États-Unis et l'ONU. / This research analyzes mediation in the resolution of international conflicts, based on two mediation processes run by Martti Ahtisaari in the mid of 2000s. This former Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations, former Finnish President, Nobel Peace Prize 2008 sees himself as the center man and not the middle man. Equally, he is convinced that he is the key man of peace and remains its true co-decision-maker. This study reveals its mediation slide based on an approach borrowed from E. Goffman. This work is based on some thirty interviews, made with personalities involved in bath mediation processes. Our approach also gives voice to the famous "Finnish mediative opponents", who are underrepresented in the available literature, such as the Australian expert Damien Kingsbury. We also mobilized moving or fixed images; some of which are unpublished. The thesis examines the relationship between mediation and negotiation, throughout the role of various international actors such as NGOs, the EU, the United States and the UN.

This study examines the consequences of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 as it relates to the concepts of cooperation and conflict. Research on interdependence focuses primarily on relations among Western countries and on whether interdependence is increasing or decreasing between them. It has rarely addressed relations between countries with different levels of economic development or the consequence of interdependence for international relations in terms of conflict and cooperation. Specifically, this study examines the following question: Does the level of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States have any affect on the level of bilateral conflict and cooperation between the two countries? The hypotheses are tested using regression analysis. The primary conclusion is that increases in bilateral interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 produced increased cooperation as well as conflict.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-24T04:09:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Folha de Rosto.pdf: 1353106 bytes, checksum: 418e6e605676f643e0d1b2afc719794e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-04-10 / With the development of the international trade, the quarrels became constant around the forms of regulation and the solution of conflicts between the nations, in this context appears the World Trade Organization (WTO). Before entering the study of the OMC and of its methods of solution of conflicts, it is necessary investigate the history of the development of the international trade before and after the Second World War I, and the multilateral organisms with emphasis in the General Agreement of Commerce and Tariffs (GATT). The ways of solution of international conflicts are object of the study, as much its historical part, as the current one, having as main focus the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the WTO. As much in the historical part as in the part of the methods of international solution of conflicts, the participation of the developing countries is studied. And, is made studies of cases of the performance of the developing countries in some demands proposal before the DSB. Of this form, the work demonstrated as it was the participation of the developing countries in the development of the international trade and in the DSB of WTO / Com o desenvolvimento do comércio mundial, às discussões em torno das formas de regulação do mesmo e da solução de conflitos entre as nações tornou-se uma constante, neste contexto surge a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) Antes de ingressar no estudo da OMC, propriamente dito, e de seus métodos de solução de conflitos, é necessário perquirir a história do desenvolvimento do comércio internacional antes e após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, e os organismos multilaterais criados, com ênfase no Acordo Geral de Comércio e Tarifas (GATT). Os meios de solução de conflitos internacionais são objeto do estudo, tanto sua parte histórica, como a atual, tendo como foco principal o Órgão de Solução de Conflitos (OSC) da OMC. Tanto na parte histórica como na parte dos métodos de solução de conflitos internacional, a participação dos países em desenvolvimento (PED) é objeto de análise. E, são feitos estudos de casos da atuação dos países em desenvolvimento em algumas demandas proposta perante o OSC. Desta forma, o trabalho demonstrou como foi a participação dos PED no desenvolvimento do comércio internacional e no OSC da OMC