Thesis advisor: Jennifer Erickson / This thesis examines institutional enlargement for both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). Both organizations added new members to their ranks during the Cold War and in the post-Cold War era. During the Cold War, NATO and the European Community (EC) had informal membership criteria, but once the Cold War ended, the two institutions implemented explicit membership requirements. The research question centers on whether both institutions admitted new members that did not satisfy some of the membership criteria. I find that the two organizations both admitted new states that only partially complied with the criteria. In this thesis, I analyze why NATO and the EU added new member states even when these states' membership applications were incomplete. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: Political Science.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar o processo de formação de coalizões dentro do Fundo Monetário Internacional e do Banco Mundial, evidenciando os motivos que levam os países a formarem blocos dentro dessas instituições. Como no FMI e no Banco Mundial as principais decisões são tomadas no âmbito do Diretório Executivo, este estudo se centrará na análise dos processos que levam à formação de alianças para a escolha de representantes nessa instância decisória. Por razões substantivas e metodológicas, este trabalho terá como escopo o caso brasileiro, buscando assim identificar os motivos que levariam os países a somarem seus votos na escolha de um brasileiro para representar seus interesses nessas instituições. Partindo da literatura que analisa como os países utilizam ajuda externa para perseguir seus objetivos, essa pesquisa analisará quantitativamente se os países mais pobres trocariam apoio político nas instituições financeiras internacionais por benefícios econômicos. Para tanto, será testada a hipótese de que os países que compõem a coalizão brasileira dentro dos Diretórios Executivos do FMI e Banco Mundial possuem mais chances de receber ajuda externa do Brasil do que os países que não apoiam o Brasil nessas instituições. Os resultados encontrados confirmam a hipótese. / This research analyzes the coalition formation processes within the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. More specifically, since the IMF and World Bank\'s main decisions are made by their Executive Directorate, this study focuses on the alliance formation for choosing the representatives for these boards. For substantive and methodological reasons, this work focuses on the Brazilian case, and identifies reasons why countries pool votes for a Brazilian to represent their interests within these organizations. Based on the literature about country\'s use of foreign aid to pursue foreign policy objectives, this paper quantitatively explores whether poor countries exchange their political support in the international financial arena for economic gains. Therefore, this research tests the hypothesis that members of the Brazilian constituencies in the IMF and World Bank are more likely to receive foreign aid from Brazil. The results confirm this hypothesis.

This thesis is an ethnography of the practice of property restitution in post-war Kosovo. The site of the largest European Union rule of law mission (EULEX) outside its member states, Kosovo is a paradigmatic case of liberal interventionism and state building under the banner of human rights. The thesis is based on 14 months (May 2012 to July 2013) of multi-sited, ethnographic fieldwork in and around the Kosovo Property Agency (KPA), the administrative, mass claims mechanism put in place by the UN to adjudicate war-related property claims between 2006 and 2016. Working with claimants and respondents, administrative clerks, national and international lawyers, commissioners and Supreme Court judges, this study presents novel insights into the everyday workings of the law from within an institution that remained largely closed to the public eye. I investigate the ways in which property, and property rights were reconfigured in post-war Kosovo through the processing of claims at the KPA. To understand how restitution worked, I probe the practices of technical-legal knowledge production by examining key moments of mass claims adjudication: the reframing of grievances in the language of the law, the making of institutional, legal knowledge, the legal analysis of files, and the implementation of decisions. Through this, I look at the consequences of the juridification of normative ideals (human rights and the rule of law) on the restitution process, its protagonists, and the law itself. My ethnographic material suggests rethinking the value of binary analyses of victims and perpetrators, the universal and the vernacularised, 'law of the books' and 'law in action', the extraordinary and the ordinary, and traces the everyday production of 'rough justice'. Building on current debates in anthropology of law on the bureaucratisation of human rights, transitional justice, and legal practice, my research reveals the tensions between the ideals of human rights that underpin the process of property restitution and the legal and political realities of transition.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar o processo de formação de coalizões dentro do Fundo Monetário Internacional e do Banco Mundial, evidenciando os motivos que levam os países a formarem blocos dentro dessas instituições. Como no FMI e no Banco Mundial as principais decisões são tomadas no âmbito do Diretório Executivo, este estudo se centrará na análise dos processos que levam à formação de alianças para a escolha de representantes nessa instância decisória. Por razões substantivas e metodológicas, este trabalho terá como escopo o caso brasileiro, buscando assim identificar os motivos que levariam os países a somarem seus votos na escolha de um brasileiro para representar seus interesses nessas instituições. Partindo da literatura que analisa como os países utilizam ajuda externa para perseguir seus objetivos, essa pesquisa analisará quantitativamente se os países mais pobres trocariam apoio político nas instituições financeiras internacionais por benefícios econômicos. Para tanto, será testada a hipótese de que os países que compõem a coalizão brasileira dentro dos Diretórios Executivos do FMI e Banco Mundial possuem mais chances de receber ajuda externa do Brasil do que os países que não apoiam o Brasil nessas instituições. Os resultados encontrados confirmam a hipótese. / This research analyzes the coalition formation processes within the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. More specifically, since the IMF and World Bank\'s main decisions are made by their Executive Directorate, this study focuses on the alliance formation for choosing the representatives for these boards. For substantive and methodological reasons, this work focuses on the Brazilian case, and identifies reasons why countries pool votes for a Brazilian to represent their interests within these organizations. Based on the literature about country\'s use of foreign aid to pursue foreign policy objectives, this paper quantitatively explores whether poor countries exchange their political support in the international financial arena for economic gains. Therefore, this research tests the hypothesis that members of the Brazilian constituencies in the IMF and World Bank are more likely to receive foreign aid from Brazil. The results confirm this hypothesis.

The European Union (EU) has long strived to act collectively in the face of international challenges such as poverty, hunger and state fragility beyond its borders. While the EU member states and institutions seek coherent responses to these challenges, they also have partly competing agendas. Yet there has been increasing agreement on collective action. To understand this agreement, this thesis asks how policy professionals contribute to the advocacy of policy norms for collective action between the EU institutions and the member states. The research analyses policy processes in EU development cooperation since the early 2000s. In development cooperation the EU's effectiveness has been particularly contested because of the combination of competing ideas about the EU's role and about how to achieve effective and sustainable development. The research finds that, while formal decisions about collective action remain in the hands of member states, transnational networks of policy professionals in the EU institutions, member state bureaucracies and civil society contribute to shaping the terms of debate regarding the EU's role in effective development cooperation. These network interactions, which form around institutional decision-making centres, transcend the organisational boundaries of member state bureaucracies, EU institutions and civil society organisations. These findings fill a gap in our understanding of how EU norms governing collective external action are advocated as existing research has tended to focus on how institutional structure facilitate state coordination. By concentrating on the cases of Germany and the United Kingdom and their engagement with the EU institutions, the research revises existing, dominant views on norm advocacy in EU external action: It links the previously little related concepts of norm advocacy and discursive networks to analyse the agency and scope of policy professionals in the advocacy of EU policy norms; and it provides new empirical insights into the role of these policy professionals for collective action between the EU institutions and the member states in development cooperation.

Can international institutions work independently from the great powers in terms of autonomy and independence? To answer the question, this thesis analyzes 197 concluded arbitration cases and the Convention of the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). But why the ICSID? Trade liberalization has long been sought by almost all the countries under multilateralism represented by the GATT and its successor, the WTO. However, due mainly to slow and laborious decision making, proceedings for dispute settlement and acquiring mandatory consent from all the member countries under the WTO, states -especially great economic powers - began to turn to Free Trade Agreements(FTAs) toavoid such problems. Most of the FTAs include Bilateral Investment Treaties and investment dispute settlement provisions. When investment disputes arise, the parties can resolve them bilaterally or they may bring their cases to an international dispute settlement institution. The ICSID is one of leading dispute settlement institutions in the field of international investments. Since the late 1990s, the cases argued at and the references to the ICSID began to increase sharply indicating that states have begun to perceive the ICSID as more important. So I analyzed the ICSID in terms of its autonomy and independence. The findings are as follows.Throughout the Articles of the ICSID Convention, the ICSID endeavors to keep its autonomy and independence. Although there are more arbitrators from developing countries than developed countries in the arbitration panel, developed country arbitrators have been selected more frequently as members of arbitration Tribunals of the ICSID. But the compositions of the Tribunals do not affect the winning rate especially fordeveloped country in the arbitrations. Although the durations of the arbitration proceedings vary in each party category, developing countries tend to show their lack of legal capacities and monetary shortage, especially needed for the due process procedures in arbitrations. As for compliance to ICSID awards, almost all the Contracting Statesfollowed the awards except for some cases, especially Argentine ones. In general, the ICSID has maintained its autonomy and independence though there also is some evidence and some cases where this argument is not supported. Asmore pending cases turn to concluded ones, there will be more cases available for furtherresearch on the ICSID.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Science politique--Genève--Institut universitaire de hautes études internationales, 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 313-372.

In Law of Peoples Rawls tries to work out a theory that will ensure a fair interaction between the world’s ‘peoples’ (synonymous with “nations”). By this he means a description of international rules that both liberal and non-liberal peoples can accept, with the purpose of eradicating political injustices in the world; which Rawls believes is the big cause of the greatest evils in the world. Furthermore, in his theory, Rawls envisions a set of international institutions (WTO, World Bank and “the UN”) that will work as the basic structure for implementing this scheme of law; global rules of trade; providing loans; facilitation of capital investment, etc. However, the theory lacks a description of which political liberties the peoples would want to secure, within the international institutions, and of what principles of distribution they should be assigned. Accordingly, I will in this essay try to establish which rights the peoples—as Rawls envisions them—would want to secure, and why they would want to be viewed as equal to everybody else, by reasons of the institutions profound and pervasive effect on peoples success. Furthermore, I will contend that this equality in political liberties, and especially the ‘principle of equal participation’, will be impaired by the inequalities in resources that Rawls accepts between the peoples. Consequently, an issue of how wealthier peoples will use their power to promote their self-interest, and the lack of belief that constitutional safeguards, within the international institutions, will constrain them from using means of agitation.

Cette thèse trace une généalogie discursive des débats sur les langues au Conseil de l'Europe. Au moyen d’une approche sociolinguistique des institutions internationales dans une perspective discursive, différents textes institutionnels produits entre 1949 à 2008 sont examinés dans leurs conditions de production sociohistoriquement situées. L’intérêt est porté sur la (dis)continuité des anciennes idéologies langagières dans la construction du discours sur la diversité linguistique et le plurilinguisme et sur la manière dont s’articulent sur le terrain discursif des langues, d’une part les idéologies des États-nations, en tant qu’entités indépendantes, et d’autre part, les idéologies du Conseil de l’Europe en tant qu’institution internationale fonctionnant sur la base d’une coopération interétatique. Cette thèse est une réflexion critique sur le discours de célébration et de valorisation du plurilinguisme et de la diversité linguistique, sur le rôle (du discours) des institutions internationales dans le contexte de la nouvelle économie globalisée et de l’internationalisation de la politique, et sur l’exercice du pouvoir symbolique au moyen des dispositifs institutionnels et discursifs. / This thesis traces a discursive genealogy of the language debates at the Council of Europe. Through a sociolinguistic and discursive approach to international institutions, different institutional texts produced between 1949 and 2008 are examined in their socio-historically situated conditions of production. The focus is on the (dis)continuity of old language ideologies in the construction of the discourse on linguistic diversity and plurilingualism and on the way the discourse on languages is a terrain which articulates, on the one hand, the ideologies of nation-states, as independent entities,and, on the other hand, the ideologies of the Council of Europe as an international institution that functions on the basis of interstate cooperation. This thesis is a critical reflection on the discourse of celebration and valorization of plurilingualism and linguistic diversity, on the role of (the discourse of) international institutions in the context of the globalized new economy and the internationalization of politics, and on the exercise of symbolic power by means of institutional and discursive apparatus.

The scholarly field of International Relations (IR) has been slow to appreciate the evolutions in forms of governance authority currently seen in the European political system. Michael Barnett has insisted that ‘IR scholars also have had to confront the possibility that territoriality, authority, and the state might be bundled in different ways in present-day Europe’ (2001, 52). This thesis outlines how modern governing authority is generated and maintained in a Europe that is strongly impacted by the many institutions, departments, and agencies of the European Union (EU). Using the specific cases of the EU’s disaster response organisation, the DG for Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid (ECHO), and the hub for EU internal security policy management, the DG for Home and Migration Affairs (HOME), this thesis understands the different policy areas under EU policymaker and bureaucrat jurisdictions as semi-autonomous fields of practice – fields that are largely confined to the groups of bureaucratic, diplomatic, corporate, NGO, contracted, and IO that exist in Brussels, decidedly removed from in-field or operational personnel. Transnational governance authority in Europe, at least in these two fields, is generated and maintained by actors recognised as highly expert in producing and using data to monitor for the risks of future disasters and entrenching that ability into central functional roles in their respective fields. Both ECHO and HOME actors came to be recognised as central authorities in their fields thanks to their ability to prepare for unknown future natural and manmade disasters by creating and collecting and managing data on them and then using this data to articulate possible future scenarios as risks. They use the resources at their disposal to generate and manage data about disaster and security monitoring and coordination, drawing on these resources to impress upon the other actors in their fields that cooperating with ECHO and HOME is the best way to minimise the risks posted by future disasters. In doing so, both sets of actors established the parameters by which other actors understood their own best practices: through the use of data to monitor for future scenarios and establish criteria upon which to justify policy decisions. The specific way ECHO and HOME actors were able to position themselves as primary or central figures, namely, by using centralised data management, demonstrates the role that risk practices play in generating and maintaining authority in complex institutional governance situations as currently seen in Europe.