[pt] De acordo com a visão neogramsciana, instituições internacionais tem o papel de fortalecer hegemonias por serem propagadoras de ideologias e serem capazes de fortalecer a criação de consensos, como também de silenciar tentativas contra-hegemônicas. O Fundo Monetário Internacional, desde sua criação em 1944, vem auxiliando na sustentação de ideologias hegemônicas, sofrendo transformações e adaptando-se aos desafios que o sistema global de acumulação capitalista o impõe na medida em que crises emergem. Com crise da Grécia, o FMI após anos de críticas sobre seus programas de financiamento, foi requisitado em conjunto às instituições europeias Banco Central Europeu e Comissão Europeia, estabelecendo o que ficou conhecido como Troika para auxiliar nas políticas de reestruturação macroeconômica da Grécia. Entretanto, a hipótese que se investiga é de que, em vez da atuação do Fundo nas políticas da Troika tenha se apresentado como uma oportunidade para a instituição recuperar sua legitimidade internacional, na verdade, a instituição teve um papel reduzido, sendo utilizada como válvula de escape para fortalecer o discurso de austeridade na União Europeia na construção das condicionalidades dos programas de financiamento, que restringiram o conjunto de alternativas macroeconômicas da Grécia em concordância mais aos interesses europeus do que país. / [en] According to the Neogramscian thought, the role of international institutions is to strength hegemonies by being sponsors of ideologies and being able to strengthen the creation of consensus, and to silence counter-hegemonic attempts as well. The International Monetary Fund, since its creation in 1944, has been helping to support hegemonic ideologies, undergoing transformations and adapting to the challenges that the global capitalist system imposes when accumulation crisis emerges. With the Greece s crisis, the IMF after years of criticism was asked jointly work with European Central Bank and European Commission, establishing what became known as Troika to assist in Greece s macroeconomic restructuring policies. However, the hypothesis being investigated is that instead of the Fund s actions in the Troika s policies presented as an opportunity for the institution to recover its international legitimacy, in fact the institution played a reduced role, being used as a space goat to strengthen the austerity discourse in the European Union for implementation of the conditionalities in the financial programs, that restricted the set of macroeconomic alternatives of Greece more in accordance with the European interests than the country itself.

This paper examines the possible future of chemical weapons through an exploration of the origins and history of legal proscriptions on their use and the practical utility of their procurement and use. Past public misunderstanding of the extent of the chemical weapons threat, exacerbated by propaganda, as well as fears of retaliatory use motivated efforts to ban the use of chemical weapons. These prohibitions have had and continue to have weaknesses and loopholes that prevent their intentions from being fully realized. While chemical agents have a wide variety of applications and have several unique advantages, including psychological effects on victims, their use is limited by several drawbacks. The accessibility of some agents is also limited for actors who are not major powers. Recent developments in chemical weapons use, especially their use in the Syrian civil war, inform present understanding of international resolve to prevent chemical weapons use and the continued advantages chemical weapons provide. These findings provide a framework to understand future opportunities for actors to produce chemical weapons and the likelihood that these actors will actually use chemical weapons.

L’engagement de l’Union européenne d’agir sur la scène internationale dans le cadre du multilatéralisme onusien fait de l’ONU une organisation avec laquelle l’Union cherche à établir des rapports privilégiés. Entre les deux organisations s’est développée une coopération matérielle importante couvrant la quasi-totalité des domaines d’activités de chacune. L’objet de cette recherche et d’analyser les rapports établis entre les deux institutions dans leur étendue, en dégageant une dynamique d’ensemble. L’approche dynamique est imposée en outre par le caractère évolutif de ces rapports. Ils sont marqués par la nature juridique de l’UE et de l’ONU. S’ils sont régis par le droit des relations entre les organisations internationales, en raison du caractère unique de chacune dans l’ordre juridique international, leurs rapports sont imprégnés d’une importante mesure d’originalité. En tant que rapports entre ensemblesautonomes mais limités par leurs compétences, ils apparaissent en outre comme des rapports fonctionnels, en permettant une articulation des ordres juridiques des deux organisations ainsi que, à travers leur collaboration, une rationalisation des moyens mis à leur disposition par les Etats membres. Dans ce cadre, les deux organisations explorent des modalités de rapports interinstitutionnels inédites entre les organisations internationales. / With the commitment of the European Union to act on the international scene within theframework of the United Nations’ multilateralism, the latter became an organization with which the EU intends to establish a privileged relationship. The two organizations developed an important field cooperation covering almost all of the areas of their activity. The purpose of this research is to analyze the relations established between the two organizations in their extent, by highlighting their dynamics as a whole. The dynamical approach is imposed as well by the evolutionary character of this relationship. It is shaped by the legal nature of the EU and the UN. If their relationship is governed by the law of the relations between international organizations, because of the unique character of both the EU and the UN in the international legal order, it is also characterized by an important measure of originality. As a relationship between autonomous but limited, by their competences, subjects, it appears to be as well a functional relationship, by allowing an articulation of the legal orders of both organizations and, through their collaboration, a rationalization of the means provided to them by the Member States. In this context, the EU and the UN explore in their relationship new interorganizational modalities.

L’administration publique en Afrique commence à se doter d’outils informatiques qui facilitent les échanges et la communication entre administrateurs et administrés. La dématérialisation des documents administratifs gagne du terrain. Elle est suscitée souvent par des injonctions ou des directives des institutions internationales et des certains bailleurs de fonds. La principale réforme de la modernisation des États est la mise en place de l’administration électronique qui se définit comme l’utilisation des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication dans l’administration publique dans le but d’améliorer l’efficacité des services rendus aux citoyens.Plusieurs modèles d’administration électronique sont donc proposés et testés afin d’être implantés dans les États ou les organisations publiques. Les pays en développement comme le Togo, se sont aussi engagés sur la voie de cette modernisation depuis une dizaine d’années avec une diversité d’objectifs. Certains pays d’Europe, d’Amérique ou d’Asie sont déjà avancés avec plus d’une vingtaine d’années d’expérience dans cette réforme. Malgré la disparité des programmes d’administration électronique, de leurs objectifs et de leur maturité (les calendriers ne sont pas les mêmes selon les pays), des procédures d’évaluation internationales aboutissant en général à un classement des pays sont omniprésents. Elles laissent penser qu’il existe un modèle universel d’administration électronique par rapport auquel on mesure l’état d’avancement de tel ou tel pays. Or les indicateurs internationaux sont utilisés pour prendre des décisions qui engagent la réalisation des projets en administration électronique. Il est donc nécessaire d’interroger la validité des ces méthodes. C’est l’objet de cette thèse.Les questions sur l’universalité des modèles consistent à se demander si les indicateurs de classement internationaux en matière de développement numérique reflètent la réalité et si elles prennent en compte tous les paramètres de comparaison supposés définir l’avancement d’un État.L’étude présentée dans la thèse y répond à partir de l’exemple du Togo en confrontant la représentation des acteurs impliqués aux modèles « dits » universels.Ce travail de recherche se structure autour de trois grandes parties. Une première partie aborde les modèles de l’administration électronique et le contexte technologique en Afrique (état des lieux des infrastructures de télécommunication, de réseau de développement des Technologies de l’Information et de la Communication (TIC) et celui de l’administration électronique). Nous montrons ensuite quelques cas atypiques de réussite en Afrique de l’Ouest (Cap-Vert), au Maghreb (Tunisie) et en Afrique Centrale (Rwanda) et analysons leur stratégie.La deuxième partie examine le cas de l'administration électronique au Togo. Elle décrit les bases du développement et la mise en place des fichiers administratifs. Puis expose grâce à deux enquêtes, le point de vue des acteurs impliqués.Elle révèle ainsi une différence entre les priorités de l’administration électronique vue par les acteurs et celles mises en évidence dans les évaluations internationales. La troisième partie analyse les méthodes de comparaison internationales de l’administration électronique en apportant notre réflexion sur la méthodologie de construction des indicateurs à la lumière des études effectuées au Togo. / Administration in Africa has begun to develop information technology tools that facilitate exchange and communication between administrators and citizens. Paperless documentation is being developed in Africa. Sometimes, it is driven by requirements or guidelines of international institutions. E-government is one of the factors of modernization reform of African states. It is defined as the application of new information and communications technology (ITC) in public sector (administration) in order to improve the efficiency of services provided to citizens.In the literature of the subject, there are several e-government models presented and evaluated in the terms of their presence in the states or organizations. Developing countries, like Togo, have taken the road to modernization for ten years, with a variety of objectives. Some countries in Europe, America and Asia have already more than twenty years of experience in this reform. Despite the disparity of e-government programs, their objectives and their advancement (the agendas are not the same in all countries), international assessment procedures in overall ranking of countries are ubiquitous. They suggest that there is a universal model of electronic government which can be apply to measure the progress of any country. But international indicators are used to make decisions that engage in the realization of e-government projects. It is therefore necessary to examine the validity of these methods. This is the subject of this dissertation. The questions of the universality of models lead to investigate whether international ranking indicators in digital development reflect reality and whether they take into account all comparative parameters supposed to define the progress of a state.This dissertation is divided into three parts. The first part discusses the models of e-government and the technological context in Africa, including the statements of places of telecommunication and network infrastructure (facilities and applications, Internet service providers and telephone, etc.), the Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and e-government. Then, non-typical successful case studies of West Africa (Cape-Verde), North Africa (Tunisia), and Central Africa (Rwanda) are presented.The second part discusses the case of e-government in Togo. It outlines the foundation for the development of e-government in Togo and presents the state of ICT development and the establishment of administrative records. Advantages, disadvantages and challenges of e-government in Togo are discussed as well. After the presentation of the general context in Togo, the methodology and the results of the field study are discussed. The field study was based on interviews with actors involved in the implementation of the e-government in Togo and on observations. The third part deals with the theoretical framework of this research. It analyzes international comparison of methods of e-government by providing a reflection on the methodology of the construction e-government indicators and international assessments in light of studies carried out in Togo.

Changing environment of international relations, changing conflicts character, and new threats and risks influence North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its role in international system. Clear structure of international system ended with end of bipolar division of Cold War. Unclear political equilibrium brought the question of future of NATO. Political concept that was used during Cold war was not sufficient and the Alliance stated again in front of transformation needs. Also during the Cold War the role of national security had been changing. Subject of this research is character of transformation of NATO and its adherence to theoretical premises of neoliberal institutionalism. International institutions are often subject of research in international relations. This thesis reacts on the deficiency of interest about changes and survival of institutions in literature. The thesis works with the theory of Robert O. Keohane that is rooted in the end of the Cold War but has been modified by further author's works. After basic analysis three variables were identified. These are three transformation areas - institutional development, and mission conduct. On the base of theoretical approach analysis three independent variables were added. These were - level of institutionalization, character of...

Le présent mémoire se consacre à la question des revendications normatives des peuples autochtones en droit international. On y constate que la reconnaissance de ces dernières représente un défi important autant pour les institutions internationales que pour la philosophie libérale qui en constitue le fondement. Cette reconnaissance sera graduellement admise par les institutions internationales majeures préoccupées par les droits humains. Un corpus normatif international spécifique et exclusif aux autochtones sera ainsi développé pour répondre à leurs aspirations et besoins. La définition de l’identité autochtone permet d’exposer cette particularité de traitement des autochtones en droit international. Elle se fonde sur deux axes. Le premier est culturel, suggérant une différence autochtone fondée sur une conception holistique du monde, laquelle est intimement liée au territoire. Le deuxième axe est historique; il fait appel à une longue présence sur un lieu, parfois qualifiée d’immémoriale, en tous les cas antérieure au contact avec un envahisseur qui mènera à leur situation actuelle de marginalisation. Ces fondements identitaires se trouvent à la source des justifications des revendications normatives autochtones. Cependant, ces fondements posent des problèmes de qualification difficiles à concilier avec la diversité des bénéficiaires des droits des autochtones. Ils entraînent également des difficultés importantes au regard de la théorie politique, laquelle s’efforce de réconcilier les revendications autochtones avec le libéralisme et les structures politiques actuelles. Une réconciliation entre les peuples autochtones et les États soulève en effet de délicates questions de légitimité et de justice. Afin d’éviter les pièges d’une autochtonie confinée dans un paradigme culturel et historique, S. J. Anaya propose le concept d’autodétermination comme fondement unique des revendications autochtones. Ce concept doit cependant lui-même faire face à un défi de conciliation avec les structures politiques existantes. Nous verrons que s’il permet de poser les jalons d’une nouvelle relation politique, le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples autochtones semble cependant incapable de dépasser les fondements de la culture et de l’histoire inhérents à l’identité autochtone. / This essay is dedicated to the issue of the normative claims of indigenous peoples in international law. It exposes the significant challenge that the recognition of these normative claims represent for both international institutions and the liberal philosophy which is at its foundation. This recognition will be gradually accepted by major international institutions concerned with human rights. An international body of standards specifically dedicated to aboriginal aspirations and needs will thus be developed. The definition of indigenous identity exposes the justifications for a particular treatment of indigenous peoples in international law. It is based on two axes. The first one is cultural, suggesting a difference based on a holistic view that aboriginals have of the world which is intimately linked to land. The second axis is historical, supposing a long territorial presence, sometimes referred to as immemorial, which is prior to a contact with an invader that will eventually lead to their marginalization. These foundations of indigenous identity are at the source of the justification of indigenous normative claims. However, these foundations pose problems of characterization which are difficult to reconcile with the diversity of indigenous rights beneficiaries. They also pose significant difficulties in terms of political theory, which seeks to reconcile aboriginal claims with liberalism and contemporary political structures. Undeniably, reconciliation between indigenous peoples and states raises difficult questions of legitimacy and justice. To avoid the risks of an «indigeneity» trapped in a cultural-historical paradigm, S. J. Anaya proposes the concept of self-determination as the sole basis of aboriginal claims. This concept, however, must itself meet a challenge of reconciliation with the existing political structures. We shall see that even if it does help to lay the basis for a new political relationship, the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples seems unable to overcome the foundations of culture and history associated with aboriginal identity.

[pt] Este trabalho analisa comparativamente, sob uma perspectiva neo institucionalista, dois projetos distintos de integração regional: União Européia - fruto de um processo que remonta à década de 1950, mais institucionalizado, com maior delegação a órgãos supranacionais e também maior número de estados membros, e Nafta - mais recente, de caráter intergovernamental, ênfase em mecanismos de solução de controvérsias, menor número de estados, grande disparidade de poder entre as partes e onde, aparentemente, a lógica de mercado se sobrepõe à ética ambiental - no que diz respeito à incorporação e administração da agenda ambiental. Tal análise é realizada a partir do estudo do desenho institucional de cada projeto. Especial atenção é dada às instituições, órgãos, atores e mecanismos relacionados ao estabelecimento, execução e fiscalização de políticas ambientais. Os resultados obtidos indicam como o desenho institucional de Nafta e da UE reflete o modo como as questões ambientais são incorporadas e tratadas nestes arranjos. / [en] This Project compares, under an institutionalist perspective, two distinct regional projects: The European Union - a product of a process initiated in the 1950 s, with higher level of institutionalization and delegation to supranational bodies and with also more member states, and the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) - a more recent venture, of intergovernmental character, with emphasis on mechanisms of dispute resolution, less states and sharper differences between the parties, where the logic of the market seems to lie above environmental ethics - regarding the incorporation of an environmental agenda within regional institutions, as well as the management of this agenda. Such analysis is performed through the study of the projects institutional design. Special attention is given to institutions, bodies, actors and mechanisms dealing with environmental policies establishment, execution and enforcement. The results obtained indicate what does Nafta and EUs institutional designs can tell about the incorporation and treatment given by these regional arrangements to environmental affairs.

[pt] Esta pesquisa tem como tema a aproximação entre as agendas internacionais de comércio e meio ambiente, mais especificamente a inserção de cláusulas ambientais em acordos internacionais de comércio, a partir da experiência do Nafta. Busca as origens deste fenômeno na sociedade civil dos EUA, utilizando-se do conceito neogramsciano de hegemonia. Argumenta-se que o projeto de integração econômica regional é parte da estratégia de consolidação da hegemonia dos EUA, mas que a negociação do Acaan - acordo paralelo para tratar a questão ambiental - é resultado da atuação de ONGs ambientalistas desta sociedade civil. Examina-se o desenho institucional do Nafta e do Acaan, concedendo especial ênfase aos mecanismos de solução de controvérsias. Explorando os traços do desenho institucional e as contradições geradas principalmente a partir do Capítulo sobre investimentos, conclui-se que os interesses econômicos vêm prevalecendo sobre os ambientais. / [en] This Project concerns with the approach of the international agendas of trade and environment, working with the Nafta´s experience. Making use of the neo-gramscian concept of hegemony, the search look for these phenomenon origins in the US civil society. It argues that the economic regional integration is part of the US strategy of hegemonic consolidation, but in respect of Naaec - the side agreement negotiated to deal with de environment issues - it argues that it results from the US environmetalist NGOs actions. It examinate the Nafta´s and Naaec´s institutional design, giving special attention to the dispute settlement procedures. Exploring the institutional design characteristics and the contradictions that born from the agreements, mainly in respect of the investment Chapter, it concludes that the economic interests have being prevailing over the environmental ones.

En 2001, la République Démocratique du Congo s’est vigoureusement engagée avec le soutien de diverses organisations internationales pour réduire la pauvreté à partir de la stratégie de croissance. Dix ans plus tard, ce pays pointait à la dernière place du classement réalisé par le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement (PNUD) en fonction de l’indice du développement humain (IDH) des pays. En marge, ont émergé et se sont développées de multiples initiatives locales fondées sur des stratégies relationnelles et dont certaines sont présentées dans ce travail. Alors que la stratégie officielle contre la pauvreté a échoué, la société a survécu et évolue. En partant de ce constat, cette étude découvre que les approches conceptuelles et les solutions à la base de la lutte contre la pauvreté sont souvent réductrices. Elles se doublent malheureusement souvent d’une certaine tendance à oublier que toute pauvreté n’est pas qu’à combattre : la pauvreté anthropologique – qui est celle de notre condition fragile – est souvent oubliée, la pauvreté volontaire est reléguée au second rang. Finalement, cette étude montre qu’il ne faut pas trop simplifier le problème de la pauvreté afin de redonner du sens aux actions entreprises pour la combattre, et ainsi étendre la portée de ces actions. Cette question du sens est un élément décisif pour bien appréhender la lutte contre la pauvreté : avoir une vision réductrice d’une action revient à en diminuer considérablement la portée. La lutte contre la pauvreté aujourd’hui doit pouvoir redonner du sens à la vie en ayant une vision intégrale de l’existence humaine, intimement liée à l’anthropologie que présente le message chrétien. / In 2001, The Democratic Republic of Congo strongly committed itself, with the support of diverse international organizations, to reduce poverty based on the economic growth strategy. Ten years later the nation found itself at the bottom of the countries produced classification by The United Nations Development Program of the Human Development Index (HDI). Besides that program, several local initiatives have come out and developed, based on relational strategies, some of which are presented in this work. While the official strategy against poverty has failed, the society has survived and progressed. Based on this statement, this study discovers that the conceptual approaches and solutions at the base of the fight against poverty often are constricting. Unfortunately, these restrictive attitudes multiply themselves with some tendencies which tend to forget that all kind of poverty isn’t to be fought : the anthropological poverty – which is that of our fragile condition – is often omitted and voluntary poverty is often relegated to the second place. Finally, this study shows that the poverty problem should not be simplified with the intention of giving sense to the actions adopted to fight it, and in this way extend the scope of these actions. This question of sense is decisive in viewing the fight against poverty : a simplistic vision of an action, means, indeed, a considerable reduction of its scope. Today, the fight against poverty should be capable of giving sense to life incorporating an integral vision of the human existence, intimately related to the anthropology presented by the Christian message.

L’Union européenne est associée à l’activité de toutes les institutions qui encadrent l’économie internationale, qu’il s’agisse d’organisations internationales ou d’autres organismes multilatéraux. L’inclusion de l’Union dans ces communautés juridiques présente des avantages mutuels. L’Union, désireuse d’émerger comme acteur sur la scène internationale, peut promouvoir ses valeurs et ses intérêts. En même temps, intégrée aux espaces normatifs des institutions économiques internationales, elle contribue à la mise en œuvre de l’activité de celles-ci. Toutefois, cette intégration soulève aussi des difficultés. L’Union est soucieuse de préserver la maîtrise de sa propre organisation et une marge d’appréciation dans la régulation des phénomènes économiques. Les institutions économiques internationales, quant à elles, sont a priori peu habituées au fonctionnement de l’Union, notamment en ce qui concerne l’articulation de ses compétences avec celles de ses Etats membres. La participation de l’Union européenne aux institutions économiques internationales est un processus d’interaction institutionnelle permanente qui vise le dépassement de ces difficultés et l’adaptation réciproque. Projetant vers l’extérieur ses politiques publiques, qui constituent à leur tour la mise en œuvre de politiques des institutions économiques internationales, l’Union favorise la continuité des niveaux de la gouvernance économique mondiale. Ainsi, l’Union influence et est influencée par la libéralisation et la régulation multilatérales de tous les phénomènes économiques internationaux : le commerce, l’investissement, la finance et la coopération au développement. / The European Union is involved in the activity of all institutions that shape and supervise the world economy, be they international organizations or other multilateral fora. The Union’s inclusion in these legal communities is mutually beneficial. On the one hand, the Union is eager to assert itself as an actor on the international scene and can promote its values and interests. On the other hand, the Union helps to implement norms produced by host institutions and to achieve their goals, as it is integrated in their legal order or network. However, this integration also gives rise to some problems. The Union tries to protect its own organization and margin of appreciation in regulating economic phenomena. Moreover, in principle host institutions are not accustomed to its functioning, especially as far as relations with member states are concerned. The European Union’s participation in international economic institutions is a process of continuous institutional interaction which aims at overcoming these problems through reciprocal adaptation. As the Union promotes its public policies within international economic institutions, which shape in turn the Union’s policies, this process boosts the coherence between levels of economic governance. Thus, the Union influences and is influenced by multilateral liberalization and regulation of all economic phenomena: trade, investment, finance, and development cooperation.