Sweden has a long tradition of participation in different kinds of peacekeeping missions. During the Cold War, Sweden’s troop contributions were exclusively focused on UN operations, but in the early 1990s Sweden’s official troop contribution policy changed from an “only under the UN flag” position to one of “only under UN Security Council mandate”. It is fair to say that Sweden’s foreign policy has undergone fundamental changes and the country has been contributing military forces to both EU and NATO missions for quite some time. Swedish foreign policy debate has largely been characterized by a sense of political unity or consensus. Despite this, there have been occasions when the political parties have been in disagreement. There are studies that confirm that the level of conflict in the foreign policy debate has increased over time. Political and ideological disagreements do exist and the political landscape has changed during the last 10 years. These changes should also have an impact on foreign policy decisions. The aim of this study is to investigate the political decision making process regarding Swedish military international missions. It will examine the political unity in the decisions concerning eight different cases; Kosovo (1999-2010), Congo (2003) , Liberia (2003-2006), Afghanistan (2004-2014), Chad (2007), Somalia (2009-2017), Libya (2011) and Mali (2015 à).  The focus for the study will be the political unity regarding the decision process within Parliament and, more specifically, the work of the combined Foreign affairs and Defence committee, and the debates in Parliament. The empirical analysis reveals that the rate of political controversy has increased. However, there is still a great sense of unity and broad agreement among the political parties on the main question regarding troop contributions.  In many cases any conflict and debate concern side issues such as timings, personnel and finance. The two main parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderate Party, are generally in agreement. They also conduct negotiations before a proposition becomes official, which leads to less conflict in the subsequent debate. The study also reveals a higher level of opposition from the Left party and from the Sweden Democrats. Some of their opposition can have ideological explanations. The Left party is mainly critical about participation in NATO missions.

The thesis analyses the systems, dynamics and conditions of international cooperation/non-cooperation in the international community that is embodied through international/regional institutions and organisations. As Robert Cooper describes, the international community consists of the three worlds in which the differences between them may be confrontational in international cooperation. While the post-modern civilisation and values are introduced into the institutions and organisations for international peace and security, the state actors from the pre-modern and modern civilisations and values are vigorously defending the traditional version of state sovereignty. Then, all these are equally the member of the international community and, as Robert Axelrod¿s Prisoner Dilemma game sets, neither state actors nor structural actors of international relations can escape from it. Therefore, it is hoped that, as Axelrod¿s theory suggests, the closed community, in the end, produces cooperation and a positive peace for a better future for all. In the case studies, the OSCE faces a number of non-cooperative state actors, like Russia. An anti-OSCE civilisation exists and is resisting the organisational values, while it is staying in the framework. Thus, the organisation is suffering from defectors and free-riders. Knowing the limitation of the organisation, it still has a space for improvement and a useful function which is to provide a long term process to make a non-cooperate actor cooperative.

The aim of this thesis was to analyze the role of the European Union in maintaining international peace and security. The 1990s proved to be a decade of uncertainty and ambiguity in which both the UN, NATO, the WEU and the EU struggled to re-define themselves in relation to the radically altered security environment of the post-Cold War era. After the collapse of bipolar world, there are favorable conditions for more effective work of the United Nations Security Council as well as for greater role of international organizations to share responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The lack of military instruments to support the policy aims of the Union contributed to pressure for the development of an EU defence dimension. The experience with crisis in Kosovo has led to significant developments since the late 1990s. The EU has acquired unprecedented military capability, a security strategy to inform its use and since 2003 it has engaged in several deployments of forces under the European Security and Defence Policy. Nowadays, the Lisbon treaty seems to be another milestone in the process of framing the EU as a military actor. The thesis is composed of four chapters, each of them dealing with different aspects of issue relating to international peace and security. Chapter one is...

As the problem of civil war is almost exclusively a problem of repeat civil war, this study seizes on the role peace agreement mandated dispute resolution mechanisms play in promoting agreement resilience to crisis. Despite the growing focus on prevention and sustaining peace, dispute resolution mechanisms in peace agreements remain understudied. This thesis contributes to this research gap asking, under what conditions do dispute resolution mechanisms promote post-agreement crisis resilience? This study argues that dispute resolution mechanism characteristics of structural adaptability and peace infrastructure integration promote post-agreement crisis resilience. Utilizing a structured focused comparison, this study examines all partial or comprehensive peace agreement mandated dispute resolution mechanism cases in the UCDP Peace Agreement Dataset 1975-2011 which experience post-agreement crisis and contain peacekeeping. Results show partial support for the hypotheses that dispute resolution mechanism structural adaptability and peace infrastructure integration promote post-agreement crisis resilience. Findings as well carry several limitations and also point towards the significance of other explanatory factors most notably peace agreement type.

Since the year of 2010, when the Swedish military made a transition from a conscript to a voluntary force, numerous people from the Swedish defence force have participated in international missions. This study seeks to understand the motivation and sacrifice behind the choice to travel abroad to countries like Afghanistan and Mali to preserve peace. This is being done through the theory of Helle Hein’s four motivational profiles, namely The Prima donna, The Performance Addict, The Pragmatist, and The Pay Check Worker. The empirical data consists of answers from 131 respondents to a survey sent to soldiers on duty in Mali (July 2016) and 3 semi-structured interviews with soldiers who have returned home. The result of the study is presented through various diagrams and show that the motivational factors of The Performance Addict overshadows the others. Furthermore is the theory’s relationship between motivational profile and level of sacrifice confirmed, even though it should be interpreted with some caution. / Sedan år 2010, när svenska försvaret gick i från ett värnplikts- till ett yrkesförsvar, har flera tusen svenska soldater deltagit i internationella insatser. Den här studien undersöker motivationsfaktorer och uppoffring hos de som väljer att åka till länder som Afghanistan och Mali för att bevara freden. Det sker genom Helle Heins fyra motivationsprofiler, nämligen Primadonnan, Prestationsjägaren, Pragmatikern och Löntagaren. Den empiriska datan består av svar från 131 respondenter från styrkan i Mali (juli 2016) samt 3 semi-strukturerade intervjuer med soldater som har återvänt hem. Resultatet av studien presenteras genom olika diagram och visar att motivationsfaktorerna hos Prestationsjägaren dominerar. Vidare bekräftas teorins samband mellan motivationsprofil och grad av uppoffring, även om det resultatet ska tolkas med viss försiktighet.

The thesis purports to assess the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in maintaining international peace and security and the International Criminal Court (ICC) in prosecuting individuals who have committed severe violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and international law, during humanitarian and counter-terrorism operations. The thesis endeavours to highlight the failures of both institutions, firstly, the UNSC being unable to fulfil its institutional mandate, which is mainly attributed to the abuse of veto privileges granted to the five permanent members (P5). This has effectively allowed individuals from the militaries of the P5 and their allies elude criminal liability, promoting a culture of impunity. The UNSC’s failure to prevent P5 members use of unauthorised military force in pursuing counter-terrorism operations and interpose expeditiously in humanitarian crises, have also contributed to the erosion of the institutions’ legitimacy, which is further perpetuated by the USA’s continued ‘War on Terror’ doctrine after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Secondly, the ICC’s inability to prosecute individuals for crimes under the Rome Statute will also be highlighted as the principle of complementarity and the court’s inability to enforce arrest warrants are significant factors contributing to the institutions inability to administer international criminal justice. The thesis draws upon practical examples to substantiate the failures of both institutions by referring to the conflicts in: Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine, Syria and Libya. Before concluding the UNSC and the ICC have become futile, the thesis will then make recommendations for reform and propose a novel solution to restore legitimacy back to both institutions.

<p>Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka de normativa utrymmen som det finns i dagens internationella samhälle för förebyggande interventioner. Interventioner definieras som ett medel i en större politisk strategi som sker inom en suverän stats gränser mot dess officiella vilja. Vidare skiljer sig förebyggande interventioner från icke-förebyggande genom dess preventiva karaktär. Utifrån en begreppsanalys studeras olika interventionsformer och argument för interventionspolitikens legitimerande. I den följande normativa analysen diskuteras och ställs olika argument om interventioners legitimerande emot varandra, och det normativa utrymmet för interventioner undersöks. Interventioner, förebyggande interventioner och legitimerandet av desamma är kopplat till begrepp som suveränitet och auktoritet men också till internationella lagar och universella normer samt motiven bakom interventionerna.</p><p>Ett av de stora dilemman som uppstår kring förebyggande interventioner är valet mellan att bryta mot de internationella politiska normerna och skadan av ett passivt förhållningssätt mot mänskligt lidande. I dagens internationella samhälle skulle det kunna finnas ett normativt utrymme för förebyggande interventioner under förutsättning att motiven bakom interventionen värderas högre än argumenten mot den förebyggande interventionen. Avsaknaden av en tydlig suverän auktoritet, allmänt giltiga och accepterade motiv och ett legalt utrymme gör att det är svårt att finna en normativ yta för förebyggande interventioner i det internationella samhället. Trots en ökad positiv retorik från FN rörande förebyggande interventioner, samt att interventioner blivit alltmer accepterade, vilket inte var fallet bara femtio år tillbaka, saknar förebyggande interventioner fortfarande en allmängiltig legitimitet och acceptans.</p> / <p>The objective of this thesis is to study the normative space and scope for pre-emptive interventions in the international society of today. Interventions are defined as part of a broader political strategy aimed at changing the actual course of actions within a specific sovereign country against that country’s official will. Further, are pre-emptive interventions distinguished from non-pre-emptive interventions by the latter’s reactive character. Through a concept analysis are different types of intervention and the arguments for the legitimacy of different intervention policies studied. In the following normative analysis different arguments for the legitimacy of interventions are positioned against each other, and thereby the space and scope for pre-emptive interventions is examined. Interventions, pre-emptive interventions and the legitimacy thereof, are connected to concepts of sovereignty and authority, as well as international law, universal norms and the motives behind the interventions.</p><p>One of the main dilemmas considering pre-emptive interventions is the choice between breaking international political norms, and the damage of doing nothing and passively watching ongoing human suffering. Today’s international society would have a space and scope for pre-emptive interventions provided that the motives behind the intervention are considered more valid than the arguments against the same policy. The lack of an obvious international authority, general valid and acceptable motives, and a legal space for pre-emptive interventions, make it difficult to find legitimate grounds and a normative space and scope for them. In spite of an increasingly positive rhetoric by the UN on pre-emptive interventions, among other examples, pre-emptive interventions remain a general notion of legitimacy and acceptance.</p>

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka de normativa utrymmen som det finns i dagens internationella samhälle för förebyggande interventioner. Interventioner definieras som ett medel i en större politisk strategi som sker inom en suverän stats gränser mot dess officiella vilja. Vidare skiljer sig förebyggande interventioner från icke-förebyggande genom dess preventiva karaktär. Utifrån en begreppsanalys studeras olika interventionsformer och argument för interventionspolitikens legitimerande. I den följande normativa analysen diskuteras och ställs olika argument om interventioners legitimerande emot varandra, och det normativa utrymmet för interventioner undersöks. Interventioner, förebyggande interventioner och legitimerandet av desamma är kopplat till begrepp som suveränitet och auktoritet men också till internationella lagar och universella normer samt motiven bakom interventionerna. Ett av de stora dilemman som uppstår kring förebyggande interventioner är valet mellan att bryta mot de internationella politiska normerna och skadan av ett passivt förhållningssätt mot mänskligt lidande. I dagens internationella samhälle skulle det kunna finnas ett normativt utrymme för förebyggande interventioner under förutsättning att motiven bakom interventionen värderas högre än argumenten mot den förebyggande interventionen. Avsaknaden av en tydlig suverän auktoritet, allmänt giltiga och accepterade motiv och ett legalt utrymme gör att det är svårt att finna en normativ yta för förebyggande interventioner i det internationella samhället. Trots en ökad positiv retorik från FN rörande förebyggande interventioner, samt att interventioner blivit alltmer accepterade, vilket inte var fallet bara femtio år tillbaka, saknar förebyggande interventioner fortfarande en allmängiltig legitimitet och acceptans. / The objective of this thesis is to study the normative space and scope for pre-emptive interventions in the international society of today. Interventions are defined as part of a broader political strategy aimed at changing the actual course of actions within a specific sovereign country against that country’s official will. Further, are pre-emptive interventions distinguished from non-pre-emptive interventions by the latter’s reactive character. Through a concept analysis are different types of intervention and the arguments for the legitimacy of different intervention policies studied. In the following normative analysis different arguments for the legitimacy of interventions are positioned against each other, and thereby the space and scope for pre-emptive interventions is examined. Interventions, pre-emptive interventions and the legitimacy thereof, are connected to concepts of sovereignty and authority, as well as international law, universal norms and the motives behind the interventions. One of the main dilemmas considering pre-emptive interventions is the choice between breaking international political norms, and the damage of doing nothing and passively watching ongoing human suffering. Today’s international society would have a space and scope for pre-emptive interventions provided that the motives behind the intervention are considered more valid than the arguments against the same policy. The lack of an obvious international authority, general valid and acceptable motives, and a legal space for pre-emptive interventions, make it difficult to find legitimate grounds and a normative space and scope for them. In spite of an increasingly positive rhetoric by the UN on pre-emptive interventions, among other examples, pre-emptive interventions remain a general notion of legitimacy and acceptance.

Art.39 är grindvakten som inleder kapitel VII i FN-stadgan och tröskeln vid vilken säkerhetsrådet går från att vara ett multilateralt organ till ett globalt verkställande organ. Konceptet ”threat to the peace” är det bredaste, otydligaste och viktigaste begreppet i art.39 FN-stadgan. Genom att framställa de centrala förutsättningarna för tillämpningen av art. 40-42, öppnar art. 39 för de mest kraftfulla insatser som FN kan frambringa. I det fall säkerhetsrådet fastställer förefintligheten av ett hot mot freden ”any threat to the peace”, ”breach of the peace” eller ”act of aggression” är det säkerhetsrådets uppgift att rekommendera eller vidta åtgärder för att upprätthålla eller återställa internationell fred och säkerhet. Art.39 är portalparagrafen som auktoriserar tillämpningen av våld och tvångsmedel enligt kapitel VII i FN-stadgan och således fungerar fastställandet enligt art.39 som en formell förutsättning för utövandet av kapitel VII befogenheter. Följaktligen har art.39 titulerats den enskilt mest betydelsefulla artikeln i FN-stadgan. Betydelsen till trots finns det inte överdrivet mycket material som utreder hur art.39 tolkas och tillämpas. Frågan om vilka situationer som utgör ett hot mot freden lyser med sin frånvaro och är långtifrån glasklar och oproblematisk.

La sécurité humaine est un concept qui a été formellement dégagé du rapport sur le développement humain du PNUD de 1994. Présentée par ce dernier comme une alternative au développement humain, la sécurité humaine a été institutionnalisée davantage comme une réponse aux préoccupations contemporaines en termes de sécurité globale et de bien être des individus, et comme un levier de garantie de la paix internationale.Dans la dynamique de la sécurité humaine, il sera observé une mutation du système normatif international par le renforcement de la place des droits de l’Homme et du droit international humanitaire dans l’ordre juridique. Aussi, la nécessité de la sécurité humaine va entrainer une nouvelle conception de l’objet de la sécurité collective. À cet effet, les Nations unies joueront un rôle déterminant en ce qu’elles vont développer de nouvelles compétences (en termes de garantie de la paix) et de nouvelles activités relatives à la sécurité humaine. Cet élan, d’une part, dynamisera un grand nombre d’acteurs internationaux qui s’investiront en faveur de la sécurité et de la protection des individus et, d’autre part, suscitera l’établissement de nouveaux mécanismes de paix et de sécurité internationales / Human security is a concept that was officially drawn out in the UNDP’s 1994 report on human development. In this report the concept was introduced as an alternative to human development and then became institutionalised as a response to contemporary preoccupations related to security matters. Human security therefore relates to threats to individuals, which are not only different to those that jeopardise State security but relate to the physical security and well-being of individuals.International peace and security factors were subsequently revised from a conceptual perspective, shifting from a State security-based focus to a focus on the global security of individuals.In the dynamics of human security, the international order’s normative system is shifting, especially owing to the growing importance of human rights and international humanitarian law in the legal order. Similarly, ensuring human security will redefine the objectives and activities of collective security. In this respect, the United Nations plays a crucial role. The Organisation will develop new competences in terms of peacekeeping and will carry out new operations for the benefit of human security. This renewed effort will reinforce many international stakeholders who will develop competences and establish organisations to contribute significantly to the security and protection of individuals and larger to the international peace