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Abstract In the era of Jiang Zemin, the core leader of third generation has not be much more powerful than other leaders. Hence, he needs to build a coalition to gathering varied interests that supported his leadership. He had to bargain and compromise with other leading officials, to generate resources in order to reward and maintain the coalition which supporting him in power. Based on such ¡§give and take¡¨ relations, he had been relatively weak when bargain with military or other interest groups within Chinese political system. And that might be the major reason to explain why the People¡¦s Liberation Army (PLA) could get the unforeseeable political influence in the Jiang era. When discussing the Party-Army relations in the Jiang era, it would be useful to view the PLA as an interest group in the Chinese political system. Therefore, I posit two basic assumptions to analyzing such relations. The first is that army and Party are engaged in a chronic and multiform conflict stemming from their incompatible outlooks and interests. The second is that Party would insist in controlling the army and keep suppressing the expression of its group interests. Besides, several variables would be introduced to identify such conflict. These include the declination of ideological indoctrination, the power reduction of the political control system in the army, the absence of regularized procedures for the transfer of political power within the ruling Party elite, the acceptance of the principle of collective leadership, and the modernization of the economy. These factors would be used to explain the transformation of the Party-Army relations.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Tecnologia, Departamento de Engenharia Mecânica, 2016. / Submitted by Fernanda Percia França (fernandafranca@bce.unb.br) on 2016-08-16T15:59:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_CarlosMagnoLopesdaSilvaFilho.pdf: 4227558 bytes, checksum: 2aa236bfafa1105c8fb0b5fd4c5a6c10 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2016-09-05T20:02:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_CarlosMagnoLopesdaSilvaFilho.pdf: 4227558 bytes, checksum: 2aa236bfafa1105c8fb0b5fd4c5a6c10 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-05T20:02:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_CarlosMagnoLopesdaSilvaFilho.pdf: 4227558 bytes, checksum: 2aa236bfafa1105c8fb0b5fd4c5a6c10 (MD5) / Apresenta-se um estudo sobre modelos para descrição do comportamento elastoplástico sob condições de carregamento cíclico uniaxial e multiaxial, proporcional e não proporcional. Em particular, foca-se na versão original proposta por Jiang em 1993, que inova sobre o modelo de Chaboche pela consideração de uma superfície de memória que define o tamanho do domínio elástico em função da amplitude de carregamento. As consequências da consideração da superfície de memória sobre a observação ou não do efeito de Masing são discutidas. O modelo de Jiang, em sua versão original, mostra boa aderência em relação a resultados experimentais uniaxiais, mas exibe encruamento menor do que aqueles observados experimentalmente no caso de carregamentos não proporcionais. _________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / A study on models for the description of the elastoplastic behaviour under conditions of uniaxial and multiaxial, proportional and non proportional cyclic loadings is presented. In particular, the study focuses on the original version of the model proposed by Jiang in 1993. The Jiang´s model inovates upon the one proposed by Chaboche by considering a memory surface witch dictates the size of the elastic domain as a function of the loading amplitude. The consequences of the memory surface over the observation or not over the Masing efect are discussed. The modelo of Jiang in the original version shows good responses at uniaxial results, but shows hardening lower than observed experimentally for the non proportional cases.

建省在新疆地區發展史上可說是一件劃時代的大事，隨著行政制度的改變，新疆地區不論在社會或經濟方面都起了變化。在討論建省的過程中，財政問題始終為其焦點，而最後決定採取省制，亦是因為財政問題獲得解決。另一方面，從財政的收入與支出，可分析清廷於新疆建省後究竟做了多少建設，對當地造成多少影響。故本文以財政為切入點，探討晚清經營新疆的政策及新疆實際的改變。本論文除緒論結論外，共分為四章：首章討論建省過程中各方所提及的財政問題，及最後如何選擇建省的方案；第二、三章則分探討公共收入、公共支出與中央財政補助；第四章說明建省後期的財政困窘和弊端，以及省方的因應對策。新疆省財政的最大特徵在於缺乏自主性，百分之八十的財源仰賴外省的協餉，因此財政的好壞大部份決定於協濟的省關。而從收入與支出的項目和比例來看，清朝在新疆從事的建設不多，並未積極的開發。

新疆古稱西域，地處北半球中緯度，歐亞大陸的中心，中國領土的西北邊陲，面積160多萬平方公里，是中國最大的一個省區，東西長2,200公里，東起96° 18' E（明水東北方），西至73° 40' E（烏孜別里山口以西）相差22° 38'。南北寬1,500公里，北達49° 11' N（阿爾泰山友誼峰），南抵34° 25' N（喀喇崑崙山空喀山口）。幅員遼闊，民族眾多，人口稀少，資源豐富。 　　自西漢將新疆納入管轄範圍以來，新疆與內地的關係，大多偏重於軍事與政治上，故各項事務的處理，其策動均在政府而其政策亦不外乎威服與懷柔。然歷史的教訓一再顯示威服與懷柔僅能為暫時因應之道，根本解決新疆問題之方法，惟有開發新疆以求鞏固國防，振興實業以求連繫民心，在開明而積極的建設工作配合下，破除新疆與內地的隔閡，則軍事與政治問題必將立於經濟基礎上而單純易解。 　　從民國38年（1949年）中共控制大陸以來，其所揭諸民族工作重點第一項即為「以經濟建設為中心」，在歷經自1953年開始的多次五年經濟建設計劃後，新疆這占有全中共大陸（此為本論文為求統計資料的單純性，對中共自民國38年（1949年）以來其所實際控制的大陸地區的一項概稱，亦即不包含「外蒙」乃至其他中共實際並未統轄的地區）總土地面積約六分之一的龐大民族地區卻仍為大陸一經濟不發達地區。新疆資源豐富，但產業落後，相對於大陸沿海及內地各省區的經濟繁榮，新疆各民族對本身徒擁寶山而未能充份獲得開發，深感不平，為平撫此類創傷，積極開發新疆實屬必要。本論文便基於前述理由而設定方向。本論文共計有六章：第一章緒論在於說明本論文研究旨趣、方法、範圍及所運用的資料；第二章首先陳述中共在控制新疆以後，對新疆的經濟政策與理論為何，以提供基本背景之了解；第三章資源稟賦與經濟結構特性，則用以說明新疆經濟發展與自然及人文環境彼此相互限制的互動關係；第四章經濟發展的歷程與現況，在於陳述中共在新疆進行經濟發展的實際效果為何，並提出現今發展的問題所在；第五章經濟發展的重點評估，則以筆者的觀點，對現今新疆經濟發展可努力的幾個主要方向提出筆者自身的看法；最後於第六章結論上，總結前述各章節之探討，說明新疆目前乃至未來是否有可能再造過去「絲綢之路」的輝煌歷史。

This research addresses the establishment of the 'Jiang Zemin Era' whereby Jiang Zemin, and the Chinese Communist Party, have attempted to relegitimise the Party and have attempted to make the Party meaningful to the Chinese populace. What is fundamental to this research is how Jiang Zemin, as the ‘core leader’ of the third generational leadership, incorporated the political thought of neo-conservatism (xin baoshouzhuyi) into the framework of Marxist-Leninist-Mao Zedong Thought (MLM) ideology in order to re-legitimise the CCP. The timeframe within the research is from Jiang’s appointment as the General Secretary of the CCP in 1989 until 1995. It is important that this was a time period whereby Jiang had to consolidate, and therefore legitimise, his ‘core leadership’, and provide a theoretical platform in order to bring forth his own ‘era’. The research is predominantly a historiographical narrative, utilising both primary and secondary sources, that examines the mechanisms Jiang utilised in order to create a strong government, with himself as the ‘core’, which pursued increased levels of marketisation. Indeed, after being appointed General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in 1989, Jiang Zemin had to achieve two goals in order to sustain and legitimate his position as ‘the core of the third generational leadership’. First, he had to secure his position as ‘the core’ through the creation of secured networks and alliances as well as legitimise of his ‘informal’ and ‘formal’ positions in the CCP hierarchy. In order to achieve this, Jiang had to first create a sustainable power base in order to retain, and therefore legitimise, his formalized positions as General Secretary of the CCP, Chairman of the Chinese Military Commission and the Presidency. In addition, he needed to be able to create alliances with both allies and protégés as well as differing power factions, be they conservative/elder or reformist, and with other leading figures like Li Peng and Zhu Rongji. Second, in order to further reinforce and legitimize his position as ‘the core’, Jiang had to develop his own ‘theoretical framework’ for governing the country – much as Mao and Deng had done previously. Therefore, the research also examines Jiang’s usage of the neoconservatism as a means of not only legitimising the CCP’s ideological framework but also as a means of providing his own ‘guiding thought’, thus enabling him to establish his own ‘era’. Indeed, after establishing himself as the ‘core’ through the aforementioned processes, Jiang had to develop such a theoretical framework that complimented Deng’s economic reforms, especially as he was designated by Deng, yet one that retained a smattering of Mao Zedong’s ‘Thoughts’ that could be applied pragmatically during the 1990s. It can be seen that Jiang Zemin successfully incorporated the political thought of ‘neo-conservatism’ within his platform in order to achieve these ends – including the establishment of a ‘Jiang Zemin Era’. This political thought, a successor to the political theory of ‘neo-authoritarianism’, already had several adherents within the higher echelons of the CCP. Indeed, it would be Jiang’s 1995 speech, entitled ‘Stressing Politics’, that would signify the incorporation of neo-conservatism within Jiang’s platform of (self) legitimation that would initiate the successful implementation of a ‘Jiang Zemin Era’.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Tecnologia, Departamento de Engenharia Mecânica, 2017. / Submitted by Raiane Silva (raianesilva@bce.unb.br) on 2017-08-02T18:26:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AllineChristineDinizZanette.pdf: 1602844 bytes, checksum: c0ea542c283a98ddc44ab50f02e97038 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2017-09-11T21:41:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AllineChristineDinizZanette.pdf: 1602844 bytes, checksum: c0ea542c283a98ddc44ab50f02e97038 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-11T21:41:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AllineChristineDinizZanette.pdf: 1602844 bytes, checksum: c0ea542c283a98ddc44ab50f02e97038 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-11 / Este trabalho apresenta um estudo e verificação do modelo de Jiang para estimativa de vida à fadiga no contexto de carregamentos multiaxiais para o aço 1045. Este modelo incorpora conceitos de plano crítico e energia, dispensando a utilização de métodos de contagem de ciclos para estimar a falha por fadiga. Foi utilizado o modelo de Chaboche para plasticidade cíclica para gerar histórias de tensão usadas nas simulações efetuadas. As trajetórias foram do tipo uniaxial totalmente reversa, torção pura, proporcional e elíptica não proporcional. Foram discutidos aspectos específicos do modelo de Jiang, bem como de seus parâmetros e dos resultados obtidos, tendo ele se mostrado satisfatório para produzir estimativas de vida à fadiga. / This works presents an analysis of the fatigue life estimation model proposed by Jiang as well as its verification under multiaxial loads for 1045 Steel. The Jiang model incorporates both critical plane and energy concepts, hence no cycle counting is needed to estimate fatigue life. The Chaboche cyclic plasticity model was adopted in order to generate the required loading history used in the simulations, whilst the loading paths herein used were: completely reversed uniaxial, pure torsional, proportional and non-proportional elliptical. A satisfactory verification was obtained, with results and analyses of the model and its parameters being later discussed.

The 1924-1927 United Front period has long been understood within a civil war context. The major revolutionaries of ethnic Han origins and the myriad of Comintern advisors that played significant roles have subsequently all been evaluated in those terms. My work decenters the civil war narrative in order to dislodge the rigid labels that have historically accompanied the identities of the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party. When re-evaluating the activities of the First United Front as a loosely defined tactical alliance, the White Terror -perpetrated by the GMD onto Communists and their affiliated members – then becomes a moment of permanent dichotomization of Communist and Nationalists groups. Analyzing the activities of the First United Front without rigid Communist and Nationalists labels, aids in clarifying the organizations actions. Moreover, when viewing these activities within the broader context of a global anti-colonial movement, the shared goals of the tactical alliance become more comparable to many of the ideological tenets driving self-determination in the twentieth century.

Doctor Educationis / Diabetes has since been a global epidemic; an estimated 5.0 million deaths of diabetes in the world have been recorded; one in 11 adults have diabetes (415 million); and by 2040, one adult in 10 (642 million) will have diabetes. In Africa, more than two thirds of people with diabetes are undiagnosed, and 42 million have diabetes in the Sub-Saharan region with 324 877 adult deaths in South Africa (IDF, 2015). The global prevalence (age-standardized) of diabetes has nearly doubled since 1980,rising from 4.7% to 8.5% in the adult population. This reflects an increase associated with risk factors such as overweight or obese (WHO, 2016). Medicinal plants on the other hand, have played a significant role in the treatment and prevention of diabetes for centuries. In South Africa, indigenous medicinal plants have increasingly been used in the treatment of diabetes. In this study, a new anti-diabetes herbal compound named Jiang Tang 2016 (JT2016), made of three well researched South African indigenous medicinal plants is investigated for its hypoglycemic effects in HFD/STZ induced diabetic SD rats. These plants have been used for centuries in the indigenous system of medicine against various ailments, they are easily accessible, they grow in abundance, and are economically sustainable. Aim The aim of this study was to investigate the hypoglycemic effects and safety of the anti- diabetes herbal compound, Jiang Tang 2016 (JT2016) in HFD/STZ induced diabetic SD rats

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