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What are the causes and consequences of judicial empowerment? What motivates the political decision to delegate authority to independent judiciaries, and what explains the subsequent behavior of these institutions? Going against current trends in comparative judicial politics, this dissertation answers these questions by taking ideas seriously. Dominant accounts of judicial empowerment and behavior associate the emergence of rights protecting judiciaries with the actions of powerful political actors concerned with the protection and promotion of their political self-interests. In contrast, my analysis of Brazil and Colombia links the emergence of such institutions to the actions of groups and individuals who subscribe to the principled belief that courts should focus their efforts on the protection and promotion of constitutional guarantees. These ideational carriers use their resources to convince institutional designers of the suitability of their proposals, and exert powerful influence over the institutional outcome of constitutional transitions. These actors also influence the actions of newly empowered courts to the extent that they are able to entrench their ideational allies on the bench during the uncertainty of the transition. These findings contradict the arguments that judicial empowerment is designed to weaken electoral opponents or to insulate the political process from popular pressures, and that judges are rational-strategic actors whose main concern is to protect their institutional integrity. / text

The judiciary in Kenya has been progressively viewed as subservient to the executive, an upholder of state power and a poor protector of citizens’ rights. The rejection of the judiciary as an independent and impartial arbiter of disputes was a major contributor to the post-election violence experienced in December 2007 which resulted in anarchy and massive loss of lives and property. This thesis contends that there is a contextually symbiotic link between separation of powers, judicial independence and the rule of law. While focusing on the relationship between the judiciary and the executive, the research highlights the dangers of failure to maintain the appropriate balance of power between the executive, judiciary and the legislature, its ramifications to judicial independence and the rule of law. By analysing secondary data and using Kenya as a case study, this relationship is chronologically traced from the pre-colonial, colonial, independence and post-independence periods. An examination of successive constitutions exposes gaps and weaknesses in constitutional provisions guaranteeing judicial independence. Instances of violation are discussed with examples as confirmation that such protection was minimal, weak and not respected in practice. A high degree of executive intrusion, influence and control was evident inter alia in appointments, removal, funding and administration. Cumulatively, these factors contributed to the erosion of personal and institutional independence leading to drastic loss of confidence. Opportunities in terms of implemented reforms, especially the newly promulgated Constitution of Kenya 2010 are scrutinised. The thesis concludes that even though complete independence from the executive cannot be achieved nor is it desirable, more robust constitutional protection of judicial independence, coupled with a high degree of autonomy can be a strong guardian against violation. New threats are discovered. Further research, constitutional amendments and use of non-legal initiatives are proposed as key for future judicial reform.

Decades after the rise and fall of the Law and Development movement, crude theories about the relationship of law to economic development have reappeared in the wake of "transition". Having observed the process of creating laws governing ownership and contracts in Vietnam, the author of this thesis seeks to determine whether the perceived problems exist in reality and whether the "standard legal prescription" for solving them actually works. The official aspect of the legal reforms, i.a. goals and drafting, has been discussed with legislators, officials and other informed people. The response of those meant to benefit from the laws, the actors in the marketplace, has been explored in interviews with businessmen in and around Hanoi. Vietnam's reliance on foreign legal models is pardy a consequence of the absence of effective means for developing viable organic solutions and partly of a reluctant recognition that overseas trade and intercourse necessitate international compatibility. A favoured technique is to single out individual elements of foreign laws that are considered acceptable and appropriate, while rejecting others. Thus, while much of the new legislation appears to be fairly "modern" and "conventional", certain underlying fundamentals have been rejected for fear that they should be carriers of "dangerous" ideas and practices. Most businessmen nevertheless feel safe in the sense that they are not afraid of expropriation or other immediate threats to their existence. The objective factors of law are intertwined with political "moods" and other subjective factors, and those who believe in their ability to correctly interpret these subtle signals have confidence in the future. That many successful businessmen still rely on kinship ties and moral concepts for day-for-day transactions is another reason to doubt the urgency of the need for "Western-style" laws. However, in this case, changes in the expanding marketplace, e.g. more diverse moral concepts, in the wake of expanding trade, alter the relative costs of formality and informality and promote the new Civil Code and Commercial Law as providers of model terms for impersonal transactions. That Vietnamese businessmen consider these laws basically good, but at the same time describe the legal system as a whole as "unattractive", indicates a need for judicial reform incorporating traditional concepts of rule of law. The leadership however is ambivalent. It regards the presence of discretion and corruption as a threat to its authority and appreciates that uniformity is important for state-building purposes, but is not willing to compromise with the Party's leading role in society. The resulting policy, a refined version of "socialist legality" or rule by law, meaning that state organs are bound by legislation and that citizens are assured that their economic rights will be upheld as long as they follow the rules, is inherently untenable and incapable of providing the kind of protection associated with conventional rule of law. / digitalisering@umu

This study explores Security Sector Reform as a concept to address peace building or post-conflict reconstruction in a country attaining independence or emerging from a major conflict as in the case of South Sudan. Although various descriptions for a security sector exist, it is a common term applied to refer to structures, institutions, and personnel who are responsible for managing, providing, and overseeing security within a state. In general it refers to the armed forces, law enforcement agencies, national intelligence agencies, border control agencies, and civil protection entities. SSR refers to actions aimed at strengthening legitimate institutions and governance to provide citizens security, justice, and jobs which is crucial to break the cycle of violence. SSR is also conceptualised within the enlarged definition of security which includes human security. This emphasises the approach that SSR is not only restricted to defence and the role of law and order, but is also included in wider political, economic, and social issues. Within the concept of SSR, various prerequisites are stated for the effective execution of SSR within a state. For an analysis of effective SSR in South Sudan, the following aspects were identified to apply as a theoretical model to analyse the execution of SSR in South Sudan. These aspects were the necessity of a formalised peace agreement; the execution of a clear and effective DDR programme; the importance of foreign involvement and international military involvement; the importance of the institutionalisation of security sector structures, and civil oversight. The study concludes that certain aspects of the SSR plan contributed to peace building and post-conflict reconstruction such as certain provisions of the peace agreement, the involvement of the international community, and financial support. However, SSR in South Sudan mainly failed due to a failure of the DDR process, the inability of the international involvement to address outstanding security issues, a failure to address border demarcations, and a total failure to install effective security sectors and civil oversight mechanisms over the military. The study on the other hand suggests SSR as a concept for post-conflict reconstruction, specifically within a state acquiring independence such as South Sudan, should be viewed as a workable concept. As a model to address peace building or post-conflict reconstruction, SSR can indeed be effective. It provides for a wide spectrum of measures to address security, political, and economic disparities within a state emerging from a conflict and aspiring to democratise as a new state such as in the case of South Sudan. The failure of the SSR concept in South Sudan is not ascribed to an insufficient SSR process or plan, but due to the non-adherence of the provisions of the plan by the signatories of the plan and the socioeconomic, ethnic, and security challenges in independent South Sudan that would have complicated any SSR attempt. SSR as a concept can be applied for peacebuilding if certain conditions such as enforced DDR, commitment by international role players, the enforcement of provisions of the peace agreement, and effective measures to institute the de-politisation of the military are provided. / Mini-dissertation (MSecurity Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2015. / tm2015 / Political Sciences / MSecurity Studies / Unrestricted

Until recently, Mexico’s criminal court system systematically failed to observe the human rights of defendants, leading to widespread criticisms about the integrity of the system and the vulnerability of defendants to unconscionable judicial practices. Intending to remedy those deficiencies, several Mexican states have proceeded to transition from a semi-inquisitorial criminal procedure to an American-style adversarial one. Because of a 2008 reform to the national constitution, all Mexican states must adopt such criminal procedure reforms by 2016. In theory, these reforms should result in fewer overall cases, a reduced reliance on pre-trial detentions, and more dismissals of cases and acquittals. This thesis uses data collected by Mexico’s official statistical agency, INEGI, to test these hypotheses in judicial districts in four states: Oaxaca, Chihuahua, Morelos, and Zacatecas. While far fewer criminal cases are being brought in early-implementer districts that have transitioned to the new criminal procedures, the results on other statistical indicators are mixed. Nonetheless, the balance of evidence suggests that the reformed procedures are more likely to be fair to defendants and reduce overall wrongful convictions. / text

Submitted by Karin Merz Fernandes de Souza (karin.merz@fgv.br) on 2016-03-31T21:37:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Final.pdf: 10426896 bytes, checksum: 5f15cefc0847b13d25fdf20fb0c81f18 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2016-04-04T14:53:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Final.pdf: 10426896 bytes, checksum: 5f15cefc0847b13d25fdf20fb0c81f18 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Almeida (maria.socorro@fgv.br) on 2016-04-14T14:05:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Final.pdf: 10426896 bytes, checksum: 5f15cefc0847b13d25fdf20fb0c81f18 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-14T14:05:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Final.pdf: 10426896 bytes, checksum: 5f15cefc0847b13d25fdf20fb0c81f18 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-29 / Incentivados pelos debates de reforma de gestão, foi criado o Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ) incumbido, dentre outras funções, de realizar a modernização do Poder Judiciário Brasileiro. Dentre diversos projetos foram realizados projetos referentes a modernização administrativa do judiciário, destacando-se os Indicadores e Justiça em Números, o Planejamento Estratégico, as metas de nivelamento e a modernização do Processo Judicial Eletrônico. O magistrado é o principal gestor do Poder Judiciário e cabem a ele as definições político-institucionais de seu tribunal. A reforma realizada pelo CNJ impactou diretamente no Tribunal. O estudo de caso analisa as implicação para a reforma de gestão do Poder Judiciário do Rio de Janeiro, a partir da interpretação do magistrado sobre a reforma de gestão implementada pelo CNJ no PJERJ.

This article proposes a reflection on the irrational aspects of justice and legality that remain veiled in the debate on the difficulties of judicial reform processes in our region and which are expressed harshly in gender violence. Psychoanalytic contributions on culture state that the existence of the unconscious (the instinctual life of the subject) is that which enables the establishment of the law. From this perspective, conflict is inherent in human beings and the anxieties it arouses cannot be bypassed or denied. Therefore, the establishment of limits and a healthy expression of aggression depend on the internal construction of legality in the subject. On the intersubjective level, the mismatch between the expectations of the population and justice operators is associated with the confusion between social reality and the real (Lacan), generating a basic misunderstanding to be solved. As a method, fundamental psychoanalytic concepts are employed and situations of violence against women from Peruvian rural communities are discussed. The paper concludes that it is essential to any process of change or reform to work around the elaboration of anxieties that block the task in institutions and groups. This work facilitates access to justice, while generating new knowledge in this field. / El presente artículo propone una reflexión sobre los aspectos irracionales de la justicia y la legalidad que permanecen velados en el debate sobre los procesos de reforma judicial en nuestra región. Estas dificultades se expresan de manera descarnada en la violencia de género. Los aportes psicoanalíticos sobre la cultura permiten postular que la existencia del inconsciente (la vida pulsional del sujeto) es aquello que posibilita la instauración de la ley. Desde esta perspectiva, el conflicto resulta inherente al ser humano y las ansiedades que este despierta no pueden ser soslayadas o negadas. Por ello, la instauración de límites y la expresión saludable de la agresión dependerá de la construcción interna de la legalidad en el sujeto. En el plano intersubjetivo, el desencuentro entre las expectativas de la población y los operadores de justicia se asocia con la confusión entre la realidad social y lo real (Lacan), generando un malentendido básico a resolver. Como método, se emplean conceptos psicoanalíticos fundamentales y situaciones de violencia contra la mujer de comunidades rurales peruanas. Se concluye que es imprescindible, para cualquier proceso de cambio o reforma, permitir espacios para elaborar las ansiedades que bloquean la tarea en las instituciones y grupos humanos. Esta labor facilita el acceso a la justicia, a la vez que genera un nuevo conocimiento en este campo.

Submitted by Tatiana de Souza Castro (ttscastro@globo.com) on 2013-04-29T17:31:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A caixa preta vs. o controle demagógico os discursos dos favoráveis e dos contrários à criação do CNJ.pdf: 682326 bytes, checksum: 1d66d395bc03546646d24c7df2125aee (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2013-05-10T15:01:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 A caixa preta vs. o controle demagógico os discursos dos favoráveis e dos contrários à criação do CNJ.pdf: 682326 bytes, checksum: 1d66d395bc03546646d24c7df2125aee (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2013-05-14T13:15:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 A caixa preta vs. o controle demagógico os discursos dos favoráveis e dos contrários à criação do CNJ.pdf: 682326 bytes, checksum: 1d66d395bc03546646d24c7df2125aee (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-14T13:15:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A caixa preta vs. o controle demagógico os discursos dos favoráveis e dos contrários à criação do CNJ.pdf: 682326 bytes, checksum: 1d66d395bc03546646d24c7df2125aee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-02 / This paper investigates the speeches of those who were against or in favor the creation of the National Council of Justice ( CNJ), which was one of the items contained in Judicial reform . This was processed in the Legislative for about twelve years. We argue that this procedure lasted so long due the lack of consensus among various items therein , and the creation of an institution res ponsible for controlling the judiciary was the main one . Thus, we consider that this consensus was reached through negotiations between the actors involved, as can be noticed in the discourses analyzed. Theref ore , we analyzed the discourses mobilized by severa l actors who used the media - newspapers in particular - to launch this issue in the public sphere and produced a public discussion around the creation of an organ to control the judiciary , between 2003 and 2004 . This debate is reflected in the actions of various actors and in the processing of the reform in the Senate . The discursive acting from the in favor and the agains t the judiciary control is seen , therefore, as a competition for positions of power which allowed several players to build consensus on what to approve and reject in the case of the j udicial reform . One of the points agreed upon was the creation of the National Council of Justice , which eventually was approved . / Este trabalho investiga os discursos dos que se posicionaram contra ou a favor da criação do Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ), que era um dos itens previstos na reforma do Judiciário. Esta tramitou no Legislativo por quase doze anos. Sustentamos que essa tramitação perdurou por tanto tempo devido a falta de consenso entre diversos itens nela previstos, sendo a criação de um órgão de controle do Judiciário, o principal deles. Dessa forma, consideramos que esse consenso foi estabelecido por meio de negociações entre os atores envolvidos, como pode ser notado nos discursos analisados. Portanto, analisamos os discursos mobilizados por diversos atores que utilizaram a mídia – em específico os jornais – para lançar esse tema na esfera pública e produziram um debate público em torno da criação de um órgão de controle do Judiciário, no período de 2003 e 2004. Esse debate refletiu na atuação de vários atores e na tramitação da reforma no Senado. A atuação discursiva dos favoráveis e contrários ao controle do Judiciário é tida, portanto, como disputa por espaços de poder, que permitiu aos diversos atores construir consensos sobre o que aprovar e rejeitar no caso da reforma do Judiciário. Um dos pontos acordados foi o da criação do Conselho Nacional de Justiça, que acabou aprovado.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2016-05-12T18:04:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio De Sessa.pdf: 810108 bytes, checksum: 2e281d89d8c1f56a0ad7355d6ca0d13f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-12T18:04:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio De Sessa.pdf: 810108 bytes, checksum: 2e281d89d8c1f56a0ad7355d6ca0d13f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-03 / This research aims to investigate the epistemological arrays that organized the concept of constitutionalism and power in Brazil during the process of Independence that took place in 1822 as well as try to identify consequences of these matrices in contemporary jurisdictional service. However, it was necessary to understand a historical foray into the place of Latin America in the Constitution of Modernity, from the age of discovery, to understand the elements of Eurocentrism (Dussel) and modern thought Abyssal (Bonaventure) moving to the Brazilian colony with the Royal Family in 1808, phenomenon which was crucial to the breakup of the colonial pact with Porto Revolution and Independence of Brazil. For these philosophies and historical assumptions, it analyzes the characteristics of the organized constitutionalism and liberalism in Brazil, which had in Coimbra the intellectual matrix for the creation of a political elite for the nascent Empire. The legal basis was analyzed in two parts, the first one is the supported administrative jurisdiction in the State Council, which is auxiliary of the moderator power, responsible for legal cultural production and also the Supreme Court, empowered to review decisions to revoke and isolated from the "political" conflict between the powers. In addition it holds the analysis of the reorganization of power with the Republican Constitution of 1891, when the new institutional model empowered the review of decisions, the arbiter of conflicts between the powers and opened the jurisdictional control of constitutionality through the diffuse means and the Supreme Court assumed the power of last interpret of the Constitution. Finally, we identify the reflections of contemporary adjudication constitutional basis, organized state power and justice and which can propose hypotheses about the phenomena of the / Esta pesquisa pretende investigar as matrizes epistemológicas que organizaram o conceito de constitucionalismo e o poder no Estado brasileiro com o processo de Independência de 1822 para, ao final, identificar reflexos destas matrizes na prestação jurisdicional contemporânea. Contudo, fez-se necessária uma incursão histórica para compreender o lugar da América Latina na constituição da Modernidade, a partir da era dos descobrimentos, para compreender os elementos do eurocentrismo (Dussel) e do pensamento moderno abissal (Boaventura) que se instalam na colônia brasileira com a transferência da Família Real Portuguesa, em 1808, cujo fenômeno foi determinante para o rompimento do pacto colonial com a Revolução do Porto e a Independência do Brasil. Por estas premissas filosóficas e históricas, analisam-se as características do constitucionalismo e do liberalismo organizados no Brasil e que tiveram em Coimbra a matriz intelectual para a formação de uma elite política e ilustrada para o Império nascente. A matriz judiciária foi analisada em duas vertentes, a jurisdição administrativa amparada no Conselho de Estado, auxiliar do Poder Moderador, então responsável pela produção cultural jurídica e o Supremo Tribunal de Justiça, com poderes de revista para cassar decisões e isolado das “questões políticas” de conflito entre os poderes. Em seguida, detém-se a análise sobre a reorganização do poder com a Constituição republicana de 1891, quando o novo desenho institucional atribuiu poderes de revisão das decisões, de árbitro dos conflitos entre os poderes, bem como inaugurou o controle jurisdicional de constitucionalidade através do meio difuso e atribuiu o poder de interprete último da Constituição ao Supremo Tribunal Federal. Por fim, identificam-se na prestação jurisdicional contemporânea reflexos desta matriz constitucional que organizou o poder do Estado e da justiça e que pode lançar hipóteses sobre os fenômenos da judicialização da política, politização do judiciário e ativismo judicial.