Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Paris IV, 1976. / Bibliography: p. 1005-1016.

Heidelberg, University, Diss., 2001. / Dateien im PDF-Format.

Euclid's geometry is well-known for its theorems concerning triangles and circles. Less popular are the contents of the tenth book, in which geometry is a means to study quantity in general. Commensurability and rational quantities are first principles, and from them are derived at least eight species of irrationals. A recently republished work by Johannes Kepler contains examples using polygons to illustrate these species. In addition, figures having these quantities in their construction form solid shapes (polyhedra) having origins though Platonic philosophy and Archimedean works. Kepler gives two additional polyhedra, and a simple means for constructing the “divine” proportion is given.

Texte remanié de: Doct. th. / Bibliogr. p. 233-271. Index.

Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Anastasia Guidi Itokazu / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Filosofia, 2017. / O presente trabalho tem por finalidade estudar como Johannes Kepler (1571-1630), em sua Astronomia Nova (1609), identifica e esboça uma nova astronomia, especialmente ao romper com o axioma platônico dos movimentos celestes circulares e uniformes ao propor uma órbita elíptica para o planeta Marte. Em particular, defendemos um ponto de vista que contraria a visão segundo a qual Kepler teria determinado a órbita elíptica de Marte utilizando única e exclusivamente os dados empíricos de Tycho Brahe (1546-1601). Este tipo de concepção se encontra bastante alinhada ao pensamento do grande tradutor das obras completas de Kepler, Max Caspar, que revela logo nas páginas iniciais da Astronomia Nova, na edição traduzida para o inglês por W. H. Donahue, a expressão aus der erfahrung bewiesen, cuja tradução do alemão remete à ideia de que as leis do movimento planetário teriam sido demonstradas por meio da experiência, ou seja, por meio dos dados observacionais. Com efeito, temos um entendimento que diverge desta visão estritamente empírica, pois consideramos a influência de duas hipóteses frequentemente negligenciadas pelos estudiosos de Kepler: a ação da força motriz solar sobre Marte, que daria conta de justificar a elipse mediante aspectos físicos ou metafísicos subjacentes ao método de cálculo, e o movimento de libração, responsável pelos fenômenos de aproximação e afastamento do planeta em relação ao Sol. Dessa forma, nossa pesquisa pretende esclarecer quais foram os pressupostos utilizados por Kepler para estabelecer o salto não trivial do círculo para a curva oval e, especialmente, da oval para a curva elíptica. / The present work aims to study how Johannes Kepler (1571-1630), in his Astronomia Nova (1609), identifies and outlines a new astronomy, especially when breaks the platonic axiom of circular and uniform celestial motions proposing an elliptical orbit for the planet Mars. In particular, we defend a point that contradicts the view according to which Kepler had determined the elliptical orbit of Mars using solely the empirical data of Tycho Brahe (1546- 1601). This kind of conception is very aligned with the thought of the great translator of the complete works of Kepler, Max Caspar, who reveals in the opening pages of the New Astronomy, in the edition translated into English by W. H. Donahue, the expression aus der erfahrung bewiesen, whose german translation refers to the idea that the laws of planetary motion had been demonstrated by experience, that is, through observational data. In fact, we have an understanding that diverges from this strictly empirical view, as we consider the influence of two hypotheses often neglected by Kepler's researches: the action of the sun's motive power on Mars, which would account to justify the ellipse by physical or metaphysical aspects underlying the method of calculation, and the movement of libration, responsible for the phenomena of approaching and the recession of the planet from the sun. In this way, our research aims to clarify what were the assumptions used by Kepler to establish the nontrivial jump from the circle to the oval figure and, especially, from the oval to the elliptical orbit.

Orientador: Anastásia Guidi Itokazu / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ensino, História e Filosofia das Ciências e Matemática, 2013.

Orientador: Fatima Regina Rodrigues Evora / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T00:17:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Guidi_Anastasia_D.pdf: 6241137 bytes, checksum: 54d0582388b5996406055e21750d086f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Apresentamos aqui um estudo da Astronomia nova, trabalho publicado pelo astrônomo alemão Johannes Kepler em 1609. O livro é composto na forma de uma narrativa histórica daquela que o astrônomo chamou sua guerra contra Marte, trabalho exaustivo de análise e interpretação dos dados previamente coletados pelo grande observador Tycho Brahe que teve como resultado a descoberta das duas primeiras leis dos movimentos planetários que levam o nome de Kepler. Mostramos que, à luz da Defesa de Tycho contra Ursus, tratado póstumo escrito por Kepler cerca de uma década antes da publicação da Astronomia nova, a estrutura narrativa desta última revela-se como a exposição de um método de pesquisa, segundo o qual o astrônomo percorreu o caminho que leva dos movimentos observados do planeta à determinação de seu percurso real em torno do Sol. Procuramos destacar os principais elementos constituintes deste método, reconstruindo o caminho que leva à descoberta da forma elíptica da órbita do planeta / Abstract: We present an exposition on the New astronomy, published by the german astronomer Johannes Kepler in 1609. The book is composed in the form of a historical narrative of Kepler's war on Mars, exhaustive work of analysis and interpretation of data relative to the planet previously collected by the great obderver Tycho Brahe, which resulted on the discovery of the two first laws of planetary motion that bear Kepler¿s name. We have shown here that in light of Tycho¿s defence against Ursus, posthumous work written by Kepler about a decade before the publication of the New astronomy, the historical narrative presented in the latter is the blueprint of a method, by means of which the astronomer derived the true orbit of Mars around the Sun from the observed motions of the planet. We have attempted to provide an account of the main elements of this method, reconstructing the path that leads to the discovery of the elliptical shape of the planet's orbit / Doutorado / Doutor em Filosofia

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T14:16:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Veranice Canato.pdf: 2119970 bytes, checksum: 0b3e2b259a68a1ec4980cdecd8d345a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In the year of 1604, with the objective to produce a theory, that would explain the refraction of light of celestial bodies and solve the existing problems in the observation of solar eclipses through camera obscura, Johannes Kepler published Ad VItellionem Paralipomena, quibus Astronomiae pars Optica Traditvr. Paralipomena has been raising the attention of history of science researchers since the first decades of the twentieth-century, and its classification, as either a continuity or a break with the treatises of optics developed during the Middle Ages, has become a controversial theme. Different aspects in this debate lead to a comprehension of Kepler's work as an appreciation of several studies of optics, astronomy and natural magic available at the end of sixteenth- century. Several studies available in Kepler s times, which probably contributed for his solution of the problems with the camera obscura, are presented in this dissertation in an attempt to show that Kepler s elaboration of his camera obscura theory, presented in chapter second of Paralipomena, is a consequence of this appreciation / Com o objetivo de apresentar teorias capazes de explicar a refração da luz nos corpos celestes e de solucionar problemas nas observações de eclipses solares com câmaras escuras. Johannes Kepler (1571-1630) publicou, em 1604, o seu Ad VItellionem Paralipomena ,quibus Astronomiae pars Optica Traditvr. Esse livro vem despertando a atenção de pesquisadores em história da ciência desde as primeiras décadas do século XX e se constituiu como objeto de um polêmico debate em torno de sua classificação como uma continuidade ou uma ruptura com os tratados ópticos desenvolvidos no medievo. Os diferentes aspectos destacados nesse debate possibilitam uma compreensão do trabalho de Kepler como uma apreensão dos diversos estudos de óptica, de astronomia e de magia natural que circulavam no final do século XVI. Nesta dissertação, procuramos mostrar que a elaboração de sua teoria para a câmara escura, apresentada no segundo capítulo do Paralipomena, é uma conseqüência dessa apreensão. Para tal, procuramos analisar vários trabalhos que circulavam à época de Kepler e que possivelmente contribuíram para a sua solução dos problemas da câmara escura

Mysterium Cosmographicum is a musical chronicle of an astronomy treatise by the German astronomer Johannes Kepler (1571-1630). Kepler's Mysterium cosmographicum (Tubingen, 1596), or "Secret of the Universe," was a means by which he justified the existence of the six planets discovered during his lifetime. Kepler, through flawless a priori reasoning, goes to great lengths to explain that the reason there are six and only six planets (Mercury, Venus, Earth, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn) is because God had placed one of the five regular solids (tetrahedron, cube, octa-, dodeca-, and icosahedron) around each orbiting body. Needless to say, the publication was not very successful, nor did it gain much comment from Kepler's peers, Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) and Tycho Brahe (1546-1601). But hidden within the Mysterium cosmographicum. almost like a new planet waiting to be discovered, is one of Kepler's three laws of planetary motion, a law that held true for planets discovered long after Kepler's life-time. Mysterium Cosmographicum is a monologue with music in three parts for orchestra, narrator/actor, and computer music on tape. All musical data structures ape generated via an interactive Pascal computer program that computes latitudinal and longitudinal coordinates For each of the nine planets as seen From a Fixed point on Earth For any given time Frame. These coordinates are then mapped onto selected musical parameters as determined by the composer. Whenever Kepler reads From his treatise or From a lecture or correspondence, the monologue is supported by orchestral planetary data generated From the exact place, date, and time oF the treatise, lecture, or correspondence. To the best oF my knowledge, Mysterium Cosmographicum is the First composition ever written that employs planetary data as a supporting chronology to action and monologue.

Thomas Hobbes est sans doute mieux connu comme philosophe politique que comme homme de science et ses longues querelles avec John Wallis en mathématiques et Robert Boyle en physique n’ont guère encouragé les historiens des sciences à prêter attention à son œuvre scientifique. Pourtant, Hobbes conçut la philosophie comme une science et se considérait comme le fondateur non seulement d’une science nouvelle : la philosophie civile, mais aussi de la science de l’optique - récemment renouvelée à la faveur de la découverte du télescope - et même des mathématiques. Mais à quoi Hobbes pense-t-il quand il parle de science ? Aux mathématiques qu’il admire tant ? A la philosophie naturelle de Galilée ? Ou à la médecine de Harvey ? En quel sens la philosophie civile est-elle une science et quel est le statut des mathématiques ? Telles sont les questions que nous abordons à partir d’une analyse du De Corpore et des dix premiers chapitres du De Homine traduits du latin. L’interprétation proposée ici consiste à réaffirmer l’unité du système des Éléments de la philosophie et à souligner la dimension matérialiste et réaliste de la science hobbesienne. Bien que Noel Malcolm ait définitivement établi que Hobbes n’est pas l’auteur du Short Tract on first principles, nous montrons que le tournant scientifique de Hobbes est profondément marqué par son intérêt pour l’optique qu’il renouvela sur la base d’une ontologie matérialiste et des principes du mécanisme hérités de Galilée. / Thomas Hobbes is perhaps best known as a political philosopher than as a scientist and his too long quarrels with John Wallis in mathematics and Robert Boyle in physics did little to encourage historians of science to pay attention to his scientific work. Yet Hobbes conceived of philosophy as a science and considered himself the founder not only of a new science: civil philosophy, but also the science of optics - recently renewed thanks to the discovery of the telescope - even mathematics. But what Hobbes has in mind when he talks about science? Mathematics he so admires? Galileo’s natural philosophy? Or Harvey’s medicine? In what sense civil philosophy is a science and what is the status of mathematics? These are the issues we discuss from an analysis of De Corpore and the first ten chapters of De Homine translated from Latin. The interpretation proposed here is to underline the unity of the system of the Elements of philosophy and emphasize the materialistic and realistic nature of Hobbesian science. Although Noel Malcolm has definitively established that Hobbes is not the author of Short Tract on First Principles, we show that Hobbes’s shift to science was deeply marked by his interest in the science of optics he renewed on the basis of a materialist ontology and principles inherited from Galilee mechanism.