The purpose of this study is to present if it is the EU’s dissemination of norms or other factors that affects Kosovo’s accession as a candidate country to the EU. The purpose was answered by finding out to what extent Kosovo can meet EU standards and values in terms of the Copenhagen criteria first criterion of stable institutions. Furthermore, what forms of dissemination the EU have used in trying to spread these standards. The study has used a main theory called Normative Power Europe, by Ian Manners, which describes the EU as a normative force and its mechanism of spreading values towards third-party countries. The conclusion in this study is that the biggest factor in why Kosovo isn’t a candidate country to the EU is because of the state’s infected conflict with Serbia.The conflict with Serbia is the basis of all the factors that keeps Kosovo to fail to meet EU requirements. Although, the EU have made improvements constitutionally since its increased commitment after 2008, the constitution hasn’t been implemented in practice by the Kosovan regime. The conflict needs to be resolved before Kosovo can take the next step and adapt to the rest of Europe.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T19:33:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Peres_AndreaCarolinaSchvartz_M.pdf: 10336899 bytes, checksum: a3e29271a5b424d7c266b0cbbd96717d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: A desagregação da antiga República Federativa da Iugoslávia e as quatro guerras que então se sucederam - as guerras na Eslovênia, na Croácia, na Bósnia-Herzegóvina e no Kosovo - foram objeto da mídia em todo o mundo, inclusive no Brasil. Nesta dissertação, analiso a cobertura dessas guerras pela imprensa escrita brasileira, particularmente a realizada pelos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo, tendo em vista algumas hipóteses iniciais de pesquisa: (a) há uma mudança significativa na abordagem dos conflitos do período da guerra fria para o período seguinte, pós-guerra fria, que abandona progressivamente um vocabulário predominantemente "estratégico" por um crescentemente "culturalista"; (b) a imprensa passa a enfatizar supostas diferenças ontológicas entre as populações em conflito, afirma a existência de nós x eles, e aponta para uma crescente naturalização e apolitização dos conflitos; (c) a imprensa atualiza uma tradição discursiva de representação dos Bálcãs. Para tanto, procurei compreender o modo como funcionam os jornais, como se dá a produção da notícia e como trabalham os jornalistas, particularmente, os enviados especiais brasileiros que foram à ex Iugoslávia fazer a cobertura. Ao longo da pesquisa, constatei a existência de um discurso sobre as guerras na ex-Iugoslávia recorrente na imprensa. Uma etnografia da imprensa - a leitura sistemática dos principais jornais, a compreensão da dinâmica do jornalismo internacional, a realização de entrevistas com os enviados especiais às diferentes guerras na ex-Iugoslávia - acabou não apenas por confirmar parte das hipóteses esboçadas como demonstrar uma série de aproximações e distanciamentos entre o jornalismo e a própria antropologia, quer no que diz respeito ao uso de determinados conceitos, quer, sobretudo, na forma como imprensa acaba por reproduzir determinadas categorias constitutivas da alteridade / Abstract: The disruption of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the four following wars in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Kosovo, were on the news worldwide including Brazil. In this dissertation, the written press coverage of these wars in Brazil is analyzed, particularly the coverage by the Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo newspapers, based on some initial hypotheses: (a) there is a significant change on the approaches of these conflicts from cold war period to the next period, post-cold war, which abandons progressively a strategic vocabulary, for an increasing culturalistic one; (b) the press starts to emphasize supposed ontological differences among the populations in the conflicts, ratifies an existence of an We versus Them, and indicates an increasing naturalization and apoliticization of the conflicts; (c) the press updates a discursive tradition of representation of the BaIkans. For that, I tried to understand the way the written press works, how the news are produced and how the journalists operate, particularly, the Brazilian correspondents that visited the former Yugoslavia to cover the war. Throughout the research, I noticed the existence of a recurring rhetoric in the press about this wars. An ethnography of the written press - a systematic reading of the main local newspapers, an understanding of the international journalism dynamics, and the interviewing of Brazilian correspondents sent to these different wars - not only ended up confirming part of the hypothesis presented before, but also demonstrating similarities and differences between the journalism and the anthropology itself: some of them related to the use of certain concepts, and others, moreover, related to the way the press reproduces certain categories of alterity / Mestrado / Mestre em Antropologia Social

In this globalized world, more and more people are moving for different reasons and immigrating to other countries. The overall aim of this study is to analyze five migrants` views on migration in this globalized world. The migrants in this study have for various reasons moved to Sweden. Four of these migrants are members of the Congolese association Kongo Moko. I want to compare the migrants´ views on globalization. To also understand how migrants from two different continents perceive globalization and migration. How do migrants view globalization as a phenomenon? What do they see as the advantages and disadvantages of globalization? How do they describe their own place of belonging in Sweden and in the world? What connection do they have to the "homeland"? The material of this study consists of qualitative interviews and observations. The results of this study show that the migrants have some issues with identifying them selft in the new country they moved to.

Why do some communities experience more violence against civilians than others? This study argues that civilian communities embracing relationships that bridge salient group divides and norms of non-violence, will commit to actions of protection across those divides, which will in turn limit possibilities for armed actors to commit violence against civilians. On the other hand, communities that do not embrace bridging relationships and instead promote more violent norms, will commit to denunciation of other civilians during war. This will in turn create more opportunities for armed actors to commit violence against civilians. Through interview-based field research I test this theory on two communities in Kosovo. I compare the town of Prizren, largely spared from violence against civilians during the war of 1998-1999, to the town of Gjakova, which experienced higher levels of violence against civilians. The results show support for the theoretical argument. However, I cannot fully account for alternative explanations to the difference in violence. Research on civilian agency during the Kosovo war has been severely lacking, an empirical gap which I aim to partly fill through this research.

Syftet med denna studie var att via intervjuer av nyckelpersoner, varav tre inom vårdsektorn och en antropolog, identifiera en del av de faktorer som påverkar arbetet med att förbättra den orala hälsan och i synnerhet införandet av ett förebyggande tandvårdssystem i Kosovo. Kvalitativa intervjuer med fyra nyckelpersoner genomfördes och analyserades enligt Graneheim och Lundmans kvalitativa innehållsanalys. Resultat av intervjumaterialet mynnade ut i följande kategorier: Förebyggande tandvård saknas, Socioekonomiska hinder, Brist på strategi och fakta och God vilja. Kategorierna visar på följande faktorer som påverkar situationen för den orala hälsan i Kosovo. Det finns en hälsoplan där man bland annat planerar att minska kariesförekomst med 10 procent fram till år 2014, men den verkställs inte. Detta får till följd att kariesprevalensen fortfarande är hög och akuttandvården dominerande. Resultat från intervjuerna visar även att sociala bestämningsfaktorer påverkar oral hälsa och tillgången till tandvård, patienter med låg socioekonomisk status undviker tandvården och söker vård endast vid akut värk. Respondenterna uppgav att epidemiologiskt underlag och forskning skulle underlätta utveckling av olika preventiva aktivitetsprogram. Brist på ett sjukförsäkringssystem och korruption anses förhindra utvecklingen av en fungerande förebyggande tandvård. I intervjumaterialet har faktorer identifierats som på sikt gynnar införandet av den förebyggande tandvården. Man har nyligen startat en kurs i förebyggande tandvård vid odontologiska fakulteten i Pristina. Studien visar att avsaknad av ett förebyggande tandvårdssystem försvårar situationen för den orala hälsan i Kosovo. De sociala bestämningsfaktorerna påverkar idag tillgången till tandvården och även utveckling av hälso- och sjukvårdssystemet. / The aim of the study was that through interviews with key persons, including three in health sector and an anthropologist, identify some of the factors affecting the work to improve the oral health and especially the introduction of a preventive dental care system in Kosovo. Qualitative interviews with four key persons was conducted and analyzed, according to Graneheim and Lundmans qualitative content analysis. Results of the interviews fall into the following categories: Preventive dental care is lacking, Socio-economic barriers, Lack of strategy and facts and Good will. The categories show the following factors affecting the situation of the oral health in Kosovo. There is a health plan that includes plans to reduce tooth decay by 10 percent until 2014, but it is not being executed. This has the effect of caries prevalence is still high, and emergency dental care is dominant. Results from the interviews also show that the social determinants affect oral health and access to dental care, patients with low socioeconomic status avoids dental care and seek treatment only for acute pain. Respondents stated that the epidemiological data and research would facilitate the development of preventive activity program. Lack of a health insurance scheme and corruption are considered being barriers for the development of a workable preventive dental care. The interviews also identified factors which ultimately favor the introduction of preventive dental care. Recently the faculty in Pristina started a course in preventive dentistry. The present study shows that the lack of a preventive dental care system complicates the situation for the oral health of Kosovo. The social determinants are affecting the access to dental care and also development of the health care system.

The Republic of Kosovo, and its 1.8 million inhabitants, is heavily reliant on two highly pollutive lignite coal-fired power plants, Kosova A and Kosova B for energy generation. The coal-fired power plants, that cover 91% of the energy generation, are reaching the end of their operational life and are in need of either restoration or discontinuation. This implies that Kosovo is in need of energy alternatives for a more flexible energy system which could open opportunities for renewable energy. Solar power in Kosovo is still at a low percentage of less than 1%, and its future penetration is being held back by lack of investments and underdeveloped regulatory framework. Affordable and reliable energy, from solar power, could reduce poverty, lower unemployment, boost economic growth and improve people's health in Kosovo. This coincides with the sustainability goals set by the UN Agenda 2030 and specifically goal 7, ‘Ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all’. The aim of the project was to design a techno-economically optimal PV-system at The University of Prishtina and to investigate the potential technical, social and economic impacts of implementing PV-systems in Kosovo to help achieve the UN 2030 Agenda, specifically SDG 7. The project consists of a quantitative part where simulations were done with the System Advisor Model (SAM) in order to calculate the energy generation and profitability of installing photovoltaic modules at The University of Prishtina with different policy-schemes. In addition, a qualitative study was done by compiling information on the policy structures in Kosovo and other european countries in order to identify obstacles and future trends in the development of renewables. The results showed that it is profitable for the University of Prishtina to install a PV-system in which the inspected financial indicators such as NPV, LCOE and payback time showed profitability for all policy-scenarios. In the base scenario with 200 kWp, which follows the current policy and capacity restrictions on the maximum allowed capacity of 100 kWp per metering point, 60% of the yearly electricity bills were covered. Two additional models were made with alternative policy-scenarios, one with a net-billing model in which sell-rates were altered and another with a higher capacity of 298.49 kWp utilizing the whole roof area. The system of 298.49 kWp gave the highest energy production and could cover 80% of the early electricity bills. The net-billing simulations indicated that profitability is also feasible for small-scale PV in a net-billing scheme with low sell-rates of electricity. LCOE ranged from $6.98 to 8.24 ¢/kWh, for all policy-scenarios, which was lower than the buy-rate of electricity for The University of Prishtina. The results from the simulations along with the qualitative study conclude that the cost- and technical potential for solar power is profitable and feasible. In addition to socio-economic factors such as job-opportunities and health benefits, solar power could be a competitive energy alternative in comparison to current forms of energy generation in Kosovo. However, due to restrictive RES-policy and potentially costly FiT’s in Kosovo a proposition, collected through qualitative studies, is to switch to auctioning schemes with possible usage of FiP’s, if needed, for large- scale PV with regulators putting an emphasis on an open, fair and competitive market. Solar power is competitive and would fare well in such schemes and its implementation should be encouraged by stakeholders and regulators in Kosovo. / Republiken Kosovo och dess 1.8 miljoner invånare är starkt beroende av de två kraftigt förorenade kolkraftverken Kosova A och B för sin energiproduktion. Kolkraftverken, som är i slutskedet av sin livslängd, utgör närmare 91% av landets energiproduktion och är i behov av antingen restaurering eller avveckling. Detta medför ett stort behov av nya, flexibla energikällor i Kosovo vilket luckrar upp möjligheter för förnybar energi, särskilt solkraft. Andelen solkraft i Kosovo utgör idag mindre än 1 % av landets energimix och hämmas avsevärt av underutvecklade regelverk och brist på investering. Ekonomiskt överkomlig och tillförlitlig energi från solkraft skulle kunna bidra till minskad fattigdom, sänkt arbetslöshet, ökad ekonomisk tillväxt samt förbättrad hälsotillstånd hos Kosovos invånare. Detta sammanfaller i sin tur med FN:s globala hållbarhetsmål stipulerade i Agenda 2030, särskilt mål 7, ”Säkerställa tillgång till ekonomiskt överkomlig, tillförlitlig, hållbar och modern energi för alla”. Syftet med arbetet var att utforma ett tekno-ekonomiskt optimalt solcellssystem vid Universitetet i Pristina, samt undersöka de potentiella tekniska, sociala och ekonomiska effekterna av att implementera solcellssystem i Kosovo. Detta i mån om FN:s hållbarhetsmål och Agenda 2030, inriktat på mål 7. Projektet består av en kvantitativ analys där energiproduktionen och lönsamheten av att installera solcellsmoduler vid Universitetet i Pristina simuleras i anknytning till olika policy regelverk med hjälp av System Advisor Model (SAM). Vidare utfördes en kvalitativ studie där information om rådande politiska strukturer och regelverk i Kosovo och andra europeiska länder sammanställdes för att identifiera aktuella hinder och framtida trender i utvecklingen av förnybar energi. Resultaten visade att det är lönsamt för Pristinas universitet att installera ett solcellssystem. De granskade finansiella indikatorerna som NPV, LCOE och payback påvisade lönsamhet för alla simulerade policy scenarion. I bas-scenariot med 200 kWp med nuvarande kapacitets och policy restriktioner på maximalt 100 kWp per mätningspunkt, täcks 60% av de årliga elräkningarna. Därutöver simuleras ytterligare två modeller med alternativa policy-scenarion. En net-billing modell med varierande el-försäljningspriser samt en modell med högre kapacitet på 298,49 kWp. I systemet med 298,49 kWp erhölls den högsta energiproduktionen som täckte närmare 80% av de årliga elräkningarna. Net-billing simuleringarna gemensamt med låga el-försäljningspriser indikerade även lönsamhet i net-billing systemet. Denna typ av elförsäljning kan därmed vara realiserbart och tillämpas för småskaliga solkraftsanläggningar i Kosovo. För alla policy scenarion varierade LCOE från $ 6,98 till 8,24 ¢/kWh, vilket var lägre än elpriserna för Universitetet i Pristina. Resultaten från simuleringarna och den kvalitativa studien antyder att den tekniska och ekonomiska potentialen för solenergi är hög. Utöver socioekonomiska faktorer som jobbmöjligheter och hälsofördelar kan solenergi vara ett konkurrenskraftigt energialternativ jämfört med nuvarande former av energiproduktion i Kosovo tack vare dess billiga kostnader. Med avseende på restriktiva regelverk gällande förnybar energi och den potentiellt dyra feed-in tariff-policyn i Kosovo är det till fördel, baserat på den kvalitativa och kvantitativa analysen, att utveckla ett auktionssystem med kompletterande feed-in premium för storskaliga solkraftsanläggningar. Detta med betoning på en öppen, rättvis och konkurrenskraftig marknad. Solkraft är billigt, konkurrenskraftig och är gynnsam för de socioekonomiska aspekterna i Kosovo. Dess implementering bör uppmuntras av intressenter och lagstiftare i Kosovo. / Në Republiken e Kosovës me 1.8 milion banorë, qytetarët e saj varen shumë nga dy termocentrale të ndotura, Kosova A dhe Kosova B. Termocentralet me linjit, që mbulojnë 91% të gjenerimit të energjisë, po arrijnë fundin e jetës së tyre operacionale dhe kanë nevojë për restaurim ose ndërprerje. Kjo nënkupton që Kosova ka nevojë për energji alternative dhe për një sistem më fleksibël, i cili mund të hapë mundësi për energji të rinovueshme. Energjia diellore në Kosovë është akoma në një përqindje të ulët të perdorimit prej më pak se 1%. Energjia diellore po frenohet nga mungesa e përpilimit të ligjeve dhe mungesa e investimeve. Nga energjia diellore Kosova mund të ketë perfitime në rritjen ekonomike dhe përmirësim të shëndetit për popullatën e Kosovës. Kjo ç ështje eshtë në perputhshmëri me qëllimet të vendosura nga agjenda e OKB-së 2030, në veqanti pika 7 në të cilën thuhet: ‘ të sigurohet aksesi në energji të përballueshme, të besueshme, të qëndrueshme dhe moderne për të gjithë ’. Qëllimi ynë me këtë studim është të hulumtojmë mundësitë për një sistem optimal fotvoltaike (PV) në Universitetin e Prishtinës ‘Hasan Prishtina’. Gjithashtu qellimi me ketë studim është të hulumtojmë ndikimet e mundshme teknike, sociale dhe ekonomike në zbatimin e sistemeve PV në Kosovë për të arritur agjendën e OKB-së 2030, posaçërisht pika 7. Projekti përbëhet nga një pjesë sasiore ku janë bërë simulime me System Advisor Model (SAM) në mënyrë që të llogaritet gjenerimi i energjisë dhe përfitimi i instalimit të moduleve PV në Universitetin e Prishtinës me skema të ndryshme rregullative. Për më tepër, është bërë një studim cilësor duke përpiluar informacione mbi strukturat rregullative në Kosovë dhe vendet e tjera evropiane në mënyrë që të identifikohen pengesat dhe tendencat e ardhshme në zhvillimin e burimeve të ripërtëritshme (BRE). Rezultatet e këtijë studimi tregojnë se, për Universitetin e Prishtinës, është veprim fitimprurëse të instalohet një sistem PV. Përmes këtijë sistemi, treguesit financiarë si NPV, LCOE dhe payback rezultojnë në përfitime ekonomike ne të gjitha skemat e provuara rregullative. Në modelin e parë bazë me 200 kWp, i cili ndjek politikat (policy) aktuale me kufizime të kapaciteteve të lejuar prej 100 kWp për një pikë matëse, mbulohen 60% e faturave vjetore të energjisë elektrike. Ndërsa në dy modelet tjera shtesë, bëmë percaktime të skemave alternative. Një nga modelet ishte net-billing në të cilin ndryshuam normat e shitjes. Tjetri model ishte një sistem PV me kapacitet më të lartë prej 298.49 kWp duke përfshirë gjithë siperfaqën e kulmit. Sistemi prej 298.49 kWp dha prodhimin më të lartë të energjisë dhe mund të mbulojë 80% të faturave të energjisë elektrike. Rezultatët e skemës së net-billing treguan se përfitimi është i mundshëm gjithashtu, me norma të ulëta të shitjes së energjisë elektrike. Kjo skemë mund të zbatohet për instalime të vogla me PV në Kosovë. Vlerat e LCOE varion nga $6.98 ¢/kWh- 8.24 ¢/kWh dollar, në të gjitha modelet. Kjo tregon se kostoja është më e ulët se norma e blerjes së energjisë elektrike për Universitetin e Prishtinës. Rezultatet nga simulimet e të gjitha modeleve së bashku me studimin cilësor arrijnë në përfundim se kostoja dhe potenciali teknik për energjinë diellore është fitimprurëse dhe i realizueshëm. Ky studim tregon se përveç faktorëve socio-ekonomikë siç janë mundësitë e punësimit dhe beneficioneve shëndetësore, energjia diellore mund të jetë një alternativë konkurruese e energjisë në krahasim me format aktuale të gjenerimit të energjisë në Kosovë. Sidoqoftë, për shkak të politikave përkufizuese të BRE-ve dhe feed-in tariff ose FiT-ve, qe janë potencialisht të kushtueshme, një rekomandim për instalime të mëdha të PV-së është kalimi në skema tender, potencialisht me përdorimin të feed-in premium ose FiP-ve. Ne ketë skeme, politikbërësitë duhet të krejojnë mundesit për një treg të hapur, të barabartë dhe konkurrues. Energjia diellore do të jetë me kosto më të ulëta në të ardhmen dhe implementimi i saj duhet të inkurajohet nga palët e interesit dhe politikbërësitë në Kosovë.

This thesis seeks to understand the developments in Germany’s foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Primarily, this thesis will centre on the question of whether Germany can now, after being re-unified for more than 20 years, be considered a normal actor in international relations. Although this subject has been debated extensively, the effects a possible change in foreign policy behaviour has on related fields of policy, have largely been left aside. This thesis therefore sets out to understand if there has in fact been a change in Germany’s foreign and security policy and will then apply the findings on the institution most affected by this change, i.e. Germany’s armed forces the Bundeswehr. It will therefore firstly discuss the perceived changes in German foreign policy since 1990 by analysing the academic debate on the process of normalisation and continuation. It will be argued that Germany has in fact become more normal and abandoned the constrained foreign policy of the Cold-War-era. The Bundeswehr will therefore have to be reformed accordingly to accommodate the new tasks set out by the changed foreign policy – most importantly peacekeeping and peace-enforcing out-of-area missions. This thesis will therefore analyse the reform efforts made over the last 20 years and apply them to the Bundeswehr’s large deployments in Kosovo and Afghanistan to determine how effective the reforms have been. Finally, this thesis will be able to contribute to the discussion on Germany’s status of a normal player in international relations with the added perspective from the Bundeswehr’s point of view.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This study focuses on the history of relations between the Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo during a relatively extensive period, starting with the demise of the Ottoman Empire to present. It examines the process of the division of Kosovo society along ethnic, cultural, and religious lines that eventually made the seizure of power possible by nationalistic conservatives. The study investigates both Serbian and Albanian nationalism and speculates on why nothing had been done by the elite to contain the conflict in the first place. It seeks to explore the origins of the modern conflict and identifies the decisive factors that influenced the development of contradicting positions of two peoples that eventually led to open hostilities in 1998-99. The thesis employs a descriptive approach and reviews contemporary scholarly literature dedicated to the subject. / Major, The Ministry of Ukraine of Emergencies and Affairs of Population Protection from Consequences of Chernobyl Catastrophe

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

On February 17, 2008,Kosovo declared its independence. The path to independence and the claim to Kosovo was a long process that developed in three primary phases: A) the fostering of territorial solidarity under direct rule and an emphasis on historical ties to the territory; B) the foundation of the national idea within the realms of proto-nationalism; and C) the emergence of peripheral and mass nationalism. This research seeks to define the development of nationalist ideologies in Kosovo and to explore where Roma fit within those ideologies. An historical and sociological approach to nationalism in Kosovo is critical in understanding the current situation of Roma living in, and deported to, Kosovo, including the recent phenomenon of ethnic scapegoating of the Roma by both Serbs and Albanians