Depuis la fin des guerres qui ont touché l'ex-Yougoslavie durant les années 90, la paix est maintenue de gré ou de force. Une constellation d'acteurs internationaux issus de l'Union européenne, de l'ONU et de l'OTAN entrecroisent ainsi leur expertise depuis plus d'une décennie, pour préserver un semblant de stabilité dans une région aux frontières encore changeantes. En se transformant en plusieurs États-nations, l'ancienne Fédération yougoslave a validé le principe démocratique qui affirme que chaque peuple a droit à son État et son territoire. Cependant, produit d'une mosaïque multiethnique et muiti-confessionnelle ancestrale, l'ex-Yougoslavie se retrouve aujourd'hui devant le dilemme inextricable de chercher à re-territorialiser ses communautés à l'intérieur de leurs nouvelles frontières, tout en essayant de préserver le caractère multiethnique de ses récents États. Avancé par les discours de paix internationaux, le principe de la multiethnicité parvient néanmoins difficilement à trouver un écho en terrain, où les relations interethniques tendent plutôt à se radicaliser. Dans un contexte de réaffirmation identitaire, le sentiment de l'appartenance ethnique reprend une vigueur jusque-là non avenue, avec la survalorisation et la construction de marqueurs identitaires, tels que le mythe des origines, la langue ou la religion, au nom d'une mémoire «bafouée» qui reprend le devant de la scène. Devant la montée de cet ethnonationalisme, la communauté internationale tente d'appliquer des stratégies de réconciliation, qui ne semblent pourtant pas répondre à la réalité du construit ethnique. L'impasse qui se joue dès lors entre les politiques de consolidation de paix et la résurgence de l'ethnicité, valide la construction de deux systèmes parallèles, manifestement peu influents l'un sur l'autre. La fracture qui en ressort laisse présumer l'existence d'un enjeu plus large quant au maintien d'une paix durablement fragile sur le territoire: une région indéfiniment placée sous protectorat, où se maintiennent deux charpentes idéologiques, celle de l'application d'une démocratie moderne et celle d'une mémoire atavique re-mobilisée. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Ex-Yougoslavie, Kosovo, Consolidation de paix, Réconciliation, Organisations internationales, Ethnicité, Ethnonationalisme, Mythes nationaux, Mémoire, Constructivisme.

Uppsatsens syfte har varit att med stöd av André Beaufres teori om den totala strategin beskrivaoch analysera främst USA:s agerande under det förlopp som ledde fram till Kosovokriget 1999.Det studerade materialet har till övervägande del haft amerikansk härstamning vilket naturligtvisinneburit att en viss försiktighet har måst iakttas med avseende på resultatet av analysen.Oberoende källor har därför använts för att kontrollera resultatet av parternas åtgärder när så harvarit möjligt. Undersökningen har, efter en rekonstruktion av händelseförloppet, syftat till attanalysera USA:s strategiska målsättning i Kosovokonflikten och åtgärder för att uppnå dennaliksom de serbiska motåtgärder dessa genererade. Analysen har visat på handlingsfrihetenscentrala betydelse för såväl möjliga val av strategisk målsättning som förmågan att uppnå denna. / Within the framework of André Beaufres’ theory of total strategy, the aim of thisessay has been to describe and analyse chiefly the United States’ actions during theyear prior to the war in Kosovo, which took place in 1999. The analysed sources havemainly been of American origin, which naturally has had consequences for thereliability of my findings. Independent sources, in the form of official documents,have therefore been used to ascertain the result of the parties’ actions. Afterestablishing the course of events it has been the object of the research to analyse thestrategic objectives of the United States and the actions it took to achieve these, aswell as the resulting Serb counter-actions. The analysis has clearly indicated thefundamental function that freedom of action has for the ability to choose strategicobjectives and to facilitate their achievement. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03

This paper studies the importance of acknowledging social identities in a state-building process. Kosovo is a disputed area in which several ethnic groups reside. These groups obtain extensive rights within the legal framework of the Republic of Kosovo. Although these rights are extensive and, according to some, the best laws regarding minorities in Europe there are those who do not feel an attachment to the state. Historically states have been based on single-groups in so called nation-states in which the mainstream identity of the population were synonymous with that of the state. Today the view on the state has evolved into that of a multi-cultural society in which everyone are accepted regardless of their identity (i.e. sex, ethnicity, gender and so on). The conflict of Kosovo has its base in the Albanian population within Kosovo and their struggle for recognition as a people. Their struggle throughout the 20th century culminated with the complete removal of rights by Slobodan Milošević in 1989 and the formation of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1993. By the end of the 20th century NATO intervened in the conflict resulting in the adaptation of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 in which the future of Kosovo where determined. After being administrated by the international UN mission (UNMIK) for almost 9 years Kosovo declared its independence. Kosovo were to be a multi-ethnic state constituted of its many communities (ethnic-groups). Today there are few people who uses the term 'Kosovar', instead people still identify themselves by their ethnic-identity. This paper studies the importance of social identities and if the citizenship of Kosovo can fill the position as an overlapping identity bringing the ethnic-groups of Kosovo together. Although the conclusion is that the citizenship cannot fill this position today the study identifies several issues that, when resolved, severely increases the possibility for the Kosovo citizenship to fulfill this position.

No description available.

This thesis aims to study Russian foreign policy towards Kosovo during the period between 1998 and 2008 in light of the school of thought that claims that Russia&#039 / s foreign policy toward Kosovo resembles the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. This thesis argues that Russia&rsquo / s role in the Kosovo war and its aftermath is motivated by Russia&rsquo / s interest in being seen as a great power in international system rather than using Kosovo in order to confront the United States. Besides an introduction and conclusion, the thesis consists of four main chapters. The second chapter presents historical background and discusses Russian foreign policy during the wars of secession in Yugoslavia. The third chapter focuses on Russian foreign policy and the 1998 &ndash / 1999 war in Kosovo, while the fourth chapter covers the Russian role in the post-conflict settlement in Kosovo. Finally, the fifth chapter deals with Russian foreign policy as it relates to the resolved Kosovo situation.

The main aim of this dissertation is to analyze the idea and practice of handing over the administration of a territory to the United Nations on a temporary basis in response to manage and settle the consequences of a dispute concerning the future status of that territory. The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) are novel examples in this respect since they present both the opportunities offered and the challenges experienced by the international administrations and give clear guidelines for the future state-building engagements. Since the end of the Cold War, there emerged a definitive trend toward accepting a more interventionary role for the UN. Taking the changing nature of interventionism into account, within the scope of this dissertation, the foremost focus will be on the post-intervention period where peacebuilding and state-building processes take place in war-torn societies. Thereby, international transitional administrations which represent the most complex and comprehensive peace operations attempted by the United Nations will be the focal point of the study. Since such administrations assume some or all of the sovereign powers of an independent state, in a period when neo-interventionism and suspended or conditional sovereignty are debated, the degree of executive, legislative and judicial authority assumed by transitional administrations is worth to consider.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to look into the differences between the theoretical frame-works of Realism and Feminism in general as well as their differences with regards to security and referent objects to security. With the differences noted applied upon the Humanitarian Intervention that took place in Kosovo 1999. That is how a shift in the referent objects could change outcome and success or failure in the case studied.</p><p>This is done by a theory testing study based upon literature within the topics of Realism and Feminism, by mainly Morgenthau (1993) with regards to Realism and Tickner (1992) with regards to Feminism. The reason for these authors in particular is due to their importance in the field and the fact that they are found liberally quoted in academic articles and other literature.</p><p>By shifting the referent object of security from e.g. territory (state), that Realism uses, to the individuals in general and the women in particular within the territory (state), like Feminism does, there is bound to be a change in outcome and success. The result of this thesis is that a different referent object offers a new perspective.</p>

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to achieve a greater understanding of the contemporary situation in Kosovo. This understanding is to be made concrete by viewing the international community’s and the domestic actor’s view of the root causes to the contemporary situation. First, the historical background and the contemporary political-, economical- and societal situation of the province are presented. Secondly follows the International Community’s- and the domestic actors stated view that is analyzed using the theories of Political Culture, Relative Deprivation and Human Needs.</p><p>The method that I have chosen is the qualitative together with Semi Structured Interviews that took place in Kosovo during spring 2007.</p><p>I find in my analysis that the view of the International Community and the domestic actors differ. The international community judge the root causes to be foremost the economy, historical legacy and unresolved status and that these have an Interest need based feature. The Kosovo Albanian elite deems that the economy, dual administration, living in a post-communist society and the unresolved status are the most important root causes. The Kosovo Serbs judge them to be lack of political stability and security, and the unresolved status. These needs are Value- and Human Need based to a greater extent than the International Community’s stated ones.</p><p>Keywords: Kosovo, International and Domestic Perspective, Relative Deprivation, Human Needs</p>

No description available.

<p>The Balkans has suffered from quite a few problems as a result of the countless ambitious endeavors for great states of the ethnic groups residing in the Peninsula. The most recent great state idea to have caused troubles in the region is the Serbs’ Great Serbia (i.e. Yugoslvia), which caused a cycle of wars, the latest one being the war in Kosovo in the late 1990s. This thesis attempts to evaluate the rumors of yet another great state in the making – or rather awakening again: the attempt at a Greater Albania, and whether the Albanians in the Balkans are still harboring the idea of any such state. Particular emphasis is placed upon the following questions:</p><p> </p><ul><li>Where does the idea of a Greater Albania stem from?</li><li>Is a Greater Albania today still on the Albanians’ agenda as a real political plan?</li><li>What speaks for and against a Greater Albania? Is the idea even feasible?</li></ul><p> </p><p>The findings indicate that none of the Albanian communities residing in the Balkan region wish for a Greater Albania, nor do their leaders. The Serbs nonetheless maintain that an Albanian threat exists and has done so ever since 1878 when the idea of a Greater Albania first arose. However, according to the results of this study, their claims lack credibility. Everything indicates that today, and with Albania striving for membership in the European Union, the idea of a Greater Albania has been left in the past.</p>