Zugl.: Konstanz, University, Diss., 2006.

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Univ., Diss.-2002--Saarbrücken, 2001. / Literaturverz. S. 253 - 261.

Zugl.: Marburg, Univ., Diss., 2008. / Résumé en anglais. Ed. commerciale de la thèse de Marburg, 2008. Bibliogr.

Det serbiska luftvärnet sköt ner ytterst få av NATO:s flygplan under Kosovokonflikten. Trots det så visar det sig att NATO:s luftoperationer indirekt påverkades i stor skala av luftvärnet. Även om man sköt ner ytterst få av de anfallande flygplanen uppnådde serberna indirekta effekter på NATO som försvårade hela operationen. Syftet med denna uppsats är att problematisera och definiera begreppet indirekt effekt inom ramen för luftvärn samt att applicera detta begrepp på en vald konflikt. Uppsatsen består i huvudsak av två sammanhängande undersökningar. Först sker en begreppsutredande studie som resulterar i en definition av begreppet indirekt effekt. Därefter sker en fallstudie på Kosovokonflikten för att konkretisera och exemplifiera indirekt effekt. Dessa metoder kombineras med metoden kvalitativ textanalys. Valet av att använda denna konflikt gjordes då parterna använde sig främst av enbart flygstridskrafter respektive luftvärn mot varandra. Studien resulterade i en definition av indirekt effekt som kan användas för att beskriva effekter av luftvärnsoperationer. När begreppet analyserades i fallstudien visade det sig att luftvärnets indirekta effekter hade stor betydelse för konfliktens utveckling och i slutändan bland annat kan ha fördröjt Milosevics kapitulation. / The Serbian Air Defence shot down a small number of airplanes during the Kosovo War. Even so, it turns out that NATO’s air operations were indirectly affected a lot by the Serbian Air Defence. The purpose of this dissertation is to problematize and define the term of indirect effect in the context of air defence and to apply it to an authentic conflict. The dissertation consists primarily of two interrelated studies. The first is an investigative study that culminates in a definition of the term indirect effect. Thereafter, a case study on the Kosovo conflict is used to concretize and exemplify the indirect effect. This conflict was chosen as both parties used primarily air power and air defence against each other. The study resulted in a definition of indirect effects that can be used to describe the effects of air defence operations. The case study showed that the indirect effect of the air defence were important for the progression of the conflict and ultimately may have delayed Milosevic's capitulation.

A partir da década de 1990, a abordagem das operações de paz sofreu transformações em campo, uma vez que passaram a se envolver com atividades de reconstrução de Estados (statebuilding), que haviam sido destruídos por conflitos internos. Dessa forma, o seu grau de intervenção em âmbito doméstico se ampliou, desafiando a noção de soberania territorial e o princípio de não intervenção. A UNMIK é uma operação de paz desse tipo, mas é a mais ousada por ter assumido uma administração interina em Kosovo, ex-província iugoslava. Essa intervenção internacional foi justificada pela proteção dos direitos humanos da comunidade albanesa, maioria da população de Kosovo, que havia sido massacrada por uma política de limpeza étnica entre 1998 e 1999, perpetrada por Slobodan Milosevic. Do momento de sua implementação (1999) à independência autodeclarada do território (2008), a UNMIK desempenhou papel de representante local ao ocupar espaços dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário de Kosovo e, ao mesmo tempo, foi emissária da comunidade internacional para manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional nessa zona de conflito. O seu principal objetivo era estabelecer um Estado de Direito por meio da democratização das estruturas de governo e da liberalização do mercado. Até hoje, a operação de paz não se desvencilhou de suas atribuições governamentais, permanecendo ali por tempo indeterminado. / From the 1990s, the approach of the peacekeeping operations have changed in the field, once they started undertaking state building activities in war-torn states. In this way, their intervention level in the local dimension increased, challenging the notion of territorial sovereignty and the non-intervention principle. UNMIK is one of this kind of peacekeeping operation, but this is the most audacious one, once it was in charge of an interim administration in Kosovo, the former Yugoslav province. This international intervention was justified by the human rights protection of the Albanian community, the majority of the Kosovo population, who was massacred due to an ethnic cleansing policy between 1998 and 1999, undertaken by Slobodan Milosevic. From its implementation (1999) to the self-declared independence of the territory (2008), UNMIK had played a local representative role exercising Executive, Legislative and Judiciary powers in Kosovo and, at the same time, it was an emissary of international community for the maintenance of peace and international security in this zone of conflict. Its main goal was to establish the Rule of Law through the democratization of government structures and market liberalization. So far, the peacekeeping operation has not been able to pull itself away from its governmental duties, remaining there indefinitely.

The refugee crisis during 2015 developed into a highly debated topic. Morning sofas on television, afternoon broadcasts on radio, evening newspapers' leaflets - the news focus was crystal clear. All written reports at that time included diverse topics, including the size of the refugee migration, the long-term economic effects of the refugee crisis, the politicians' proposals, the negotiations in the EU and the tragic accidents in the Mediterranean. The "migration crisis" became a recurring concept and various news media generated their own works where they clearly gave an overview of how people went through a plethora of nasty and violent events to avoid an inevitable fate in their native countries. Majority of the people who fled in 2015 made their way to Europe across the Mediterranean, often in overcrowded boats capsizing on the high seas. Soon thereafter, the Balkan Peninsula, became the alternative route to EU, reason being the life-threatening challenges which the aforementioned route included.  Therefore, this essay will look beyond the scope of SVT, TV4, DN, Expressen, Aftonbladet and various Swedish media. The primary focus will be on Kosovo media and its reporting. Greater insight of the methods used by a country who lacks economic growth compared to Sweden, during the biggest challenges of our time, will be the focal point. This study may also be relevant from a societal perspective, as Kosovo, together with other Balkan countries, became important partners for the EU in dealing with the refugee crisis in 2015. / Flyktingkrisen 2015 blev ett debatterad ämne under året 2015. Morgonsoffor på tv, eftermiddagssändningar i radio, kvällstidningarnas löpsedlar – nyhetsfokuset var alltså tydligt. Det rapporterades om flyktingvandringens storlek, de långvariga ekonomiska effekterna av flyktingkrisen, politikernas utspel, förhandlingarna i EU och de tragiska olyckorna i medelhavet. ”Migrationkrisen” blev ett upprepande begrepp och olika nyhetsmedier genererade egna verk där de tydligt gav en överblick på hur människor genomgick en uppsjö av otäcka samt våldsamma händelser i strävan mot att undvika ett ofrånkomligt öde i deras hemländer.
Merparten av de människor som var på flykt under 2015, tog sig till Europa över Medelhavet, i många fall i överfulla båtar som kapsejsade på öppet hav. När Medelhavet visade sig vara en komplicerad och livsfarlig flyktväg valde fler människor att försöka ta sig till EU via Balkanhalvön. Därav kommer den här uppsatsen att se bortom SVT, TV4, DN, Expressen, Aftonbladet och diverse svenska medier. Det primära fokuset kommer riktas till kosovanska medier samt dess rapportering. Detta för att få ett större inblick på hur en av vår tids största utmaningar hanteras av ett land som inte har lika bra ekonomiska förutsättningar i kontrast till Sverige. Även ur ett samhälleligt perspektiv kan denna undersökning vara relevant, då Kosovo tillsammans med andra Balkanländer blev viktiga partners för EU i hanteringen av flyktingkrisen under 2015.

The thesis is analyzing relations between the Serb minority in Kosovo, Kosovo proper and Serbia from 2008 to 2013 by using Robert Brubaker's "Triadic Nexus" concept that defines a relation between a national minority, a nationalizing state and an external national homeland. The Triadic Nexus will be supplemented by David Smith's "Quadratic Nexus" concept with the addition of an international actor that would be the United Nations and the European Union. In the north and the southeast of Kosovo lives a huge Serb community that does not recognize Kosovo's independence since 2008. From 2008 to 2013 Kosovo authorities were trying to integrate Serb minority into Kosovo society, however in most cases unsuccessfully. Kosovo Serbs kept relations with Serbia, especially thanks to the existence of parallel Serb institutions in these parts of Kosovo. The position of the Serb minority in the Kosovo`s society is analyzed through the legal framework and their (non)integration into the administrative and political institutions of the Kosovo proper. This should provide hints if and how the Serb minority in Kosovo was or was not persecuted. The thesis further enlightens, through the analysis of the Serb minority`s integration in parallel Serb institutions, how big of a problem the parallel Serb institutions pose...

Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit hat zum Ziel, Stand und Entwicklungsperspektiven des öffentlichen Personenverkehrs im Kosovo aufzuzeigen. Hierfür erfolgt zunächst eine umfangreiche Bestandsaufnahme der Verkehrsinfrastruktur sowie des Fahrtenangebots im öffentlichen Verkehr. Dessen Qualität wird anschließend analysiert und ausgewertet. Ebenso erfolgt eine Betrachtung der gesetzlichen Rahmenbedingungen für den öffentlichen Personenverkehr im Kosovo. Im Weiteren werden vorhandene Strategien für den öffentlichen Personenverkehr der nationalen und kommunalen Ebene im Kosovo zusammengetragen und dargestellt. Ferner erfolgt eine qualitative Abschätzung des Potentials des öffentlichen Verkehrs für die nationale Ebene und den Verkehr mit den Nachbarstaaten sowie weitere internationale Verbindungen. Aus der Analyse werden Maßnahmen entwickelt, mit denen die aufgezeigten Defizite behoben und vor Ort vorhandene Ressourcen besser für den öffentlichen Personenverkehr genutzt werden können. Im Ergebnis steht ein kurzfristiger sowie ein mittel- bis langfristiger Maßnahmenkatalog zur Verbesserung des öffentlichen Personenverkehrs im Kosovo. Wesentliche Verbesserungen, insbesondere in Bezug auf Reisendeninformation und Zugänglichkeit, können bereits mit kurzfristigen Maßnahmen erzielt werden. Langfristig wird eine Reorganisation des öffentlichen Verkehrs in der Republik Kosovo angeregt.:1. Einführung 2. Der Kosovo als Untersuchungsgebiet 3. Bestandsaufnahme 4. Vorhandene Strategien 5. Potentialabschätzung 6. Handlungsbedarf und Entwicklungsperspektiven 7. Maßnahmenkatalog und Umsetzungsperspektive 8. Fazit und Ausblick / The aim of this diploma thesis is to show the status and development prospects of public transport in Kosovo. For this purpose, a comprehensive survey of the transport infrastructure and the range of public transport services is carried out. The quality of these services is then analysed and evaluated. The legal framework for public transport in Kosovo is also examined. Furthermore, existing strategies for public transport at the national and municipal level in Kosovo are summarised. Moreover, a qualitative assessment of the potential of public transport for the national level and transport with neighbouring countries as well as further international connections is carried out. Based on the analysis, measures are developed to address the identified deficits and to make better use of local resources for public transport. The result is a short-term and a medium- to long-term catalogue of actions to improve public transport in Kosovo. Significant improvements, especially regarding passenger information and accessibility, can already be achieved with short-term measures. In the long term, a reorganisation of public transport in the Republic of Kosovo is suggested.:1. Einführung 2. Der Kosovo als Untersuchungsgebiet 3. Bestandsaufnahme 4. Vorhandene Strategien 5. Potentialabschätzung 6. Handlungsbedarf und Entwicklungsperspektiven 7. Maßnahmenkatalog und Umsetzungsperspektive 8. Fazit und Ausblick

Comment les intervenants internationaux peuvent-ils (re)construire des institutions légitimes après un conflit intra-étatique ? En d’autres termes, quels facteurs déterminent le résultat du statebuilding post-conflit ? D’un côté, l’approche dominante, dite « technique », soutient que des ressources significatives (financières, humaines, politiques) permettent aux intervenants internationaux de construire les institutions voulues. Au Kosovo, les acteurs internationaux ont établi une administration internationale dotée de pouvoirs exécutifs et des ressources étendues et maintenues tout au long du processus. Or, le bilan du statebuilding est mitigé. D’un autre côté, le paradigme de la « paix libérale » affirme que la libéralisation (politique et économique) contribue au résultat limité des opérations post-conflit car elle est mal appliquée, illégitime voir dangereuse pour les sociétés sortant de conflits violents. Cette approche néglige aussi bien les facteurs internes que les variations dans les intentions internationales et se base, comme l’approche technique, sur un postulat implicite (erroné) de l’asymétrie porteuse de rapports de pouvoir qui favoriseraient les intervenants internationaux. En conséquence, ces approches ignorent la manière dont les acteurs locaux peuvent résister aux normes et objectifs internationaux.Pour expliquer les variations du résultat du statebuilding international, nous proposons un modèle théorique alternatif en modélisant une approche multicausale et séquentielle d’un jeu à deux niveaux. Notre thèse est la suivante. Les variations dans l’issue du statebuilding sont fonction des interactions stratégiques, elles-mêmes déterminées par les changements dans les préférences et les relations de puissance entre les intervenants internationaux et les élites politiques locales. Le statebuilding est étudié comme un processus interactif, mettant en relation potentiellement trois acteurs clés qui dominent le paysage politique post-conflit. Dans ces conditions, le statebuilding est un succès uniquement si les réformes internationales ne menacent pas le pouvoir politique des élites locales – pouvoir qui s’appuie sur deux piliers, le nationalisme et les pratiques informelles – et que les acteurs internationaux ont mobilisé suffisamment de ressources pour amener les élites locales à adopter et appliquer les réformes désirées.Or, le cas du Kosovo montre que les préférences des acteurs ne s’alignent que très rarement. Le statebuilding international a été instrumentalisé et miné par les préférences divergentes et contradictoires entre les principaux acteurs clés. Les acteurs internationaux ont voulu créer un Etat démocratique et multinational, mais ont privilégié la stabilité car ils ont été confrontés à des élites politiques locales – kosovar-albanaises et kosovar-serbes – préoccupées par le pouvoir et la domination de leur groupe sur autrui et par le maintien du leadership à l’intérieur de leur propre groupe. Entraînant ainsi une multiplication des autorités et à une fragmentation de la légitimité : deux systèmes politiques et sociaux persistent et empêchent la cohésion et le caractère multinational de l’Etat. L’intervention de l’UE a permis de changer le jeu en contribuant à apaiser la situation sur le terrain. Mais des tensions persistent, confortant le compromis. / How can international actors build legitimate institutions following intra-state conflict? In other words, what factors determine the outcome of post-conflict statebuilding? On the one hand, the dominant approach, termed "technical", argues that significant resources (financial, human and political) allow international actors to build the required institutions. In Kosovo, international actors have established an international administration with executive powers, extending and sustaining resources throughout process. However, the success of statebuilding generally is mixed. On the other hand, the so-called "liberal peace" paradigm affirms that liberalization (political and economic) is a contributing factor to the limited success of post-conflict operations because it is either misapplied, illegitimate or even dangerous for societies emerging from violent conflicts. The liberal peace approach neglects these facts and ignores variations in international intentions. It is based, as is the technical approach, on an implicit (erroneous) assumption of an asymmetry in power relationships in favor of international actors. The result is that, these approaches fail to acknowledge the possibility of local actors resisting international standards and objectives.To explain variations in the success of statebuilding, we present an alternative theoretical model where a multi-level, sequential approach is modeled to a two-level game. Our thesis is as follows: variations in the statebuilding success are the function of strategic interactions, themselves determined by changes both in preferences and the power relationships between international actors and domestic political elites. Statebuilding is seen here as an interactive process, potentially linking three key actors who dominate any post-conflict political landscape. In unique conditions, no statebuilding process or international reforms need pose a threat to the political power of local elites - power derived from two pillars, i.e. nationalism and informal practices. Rather, international actors mobilise sufficient resources to induce local elites to adopt and implement the desired reforms.However, the preferences of the actors are very rarely aligned. In the case of Kosovo, it has been shown that international statebuilding has been instrumentalized and undermined by divergent and contradictory preferences among key actors. The international actors’ desire was to create a democratic and multinational state, but they opted for stability instead because they had to deal with local political elites - Kosovar-Albanian and Kosovar-Serb. The latter were concerned about maintaining their power over, and domination of, their group over others as well as maintaining leadership within their own group. This has led to a multiplication of authorities and a fragmentation of legitimacy: two distinct political and social systems persist, preventing the development of a cohesive and multinational state. While EU intervention has brought about a game change and helped to calm the situation on the ground, tensions persist, reaffirming the compromise that has taken place.