The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol has been hailed as the grand compromise of the North-South divide over climate change mitigation for its ability to reconcile the economic demands of the North with the developmental needs of the South. Having been primarily analyzed from isolated economic, environmental, or developmental perspectives, the CDMs efficacy in bridging the North-South divide remains poorly understood. This research evaluates the CDM against three qualitative criteria focused on issues affecting Southern nations participation in international agreements. An examination of distributive and procedural issues characterizing the CDM shows that significant trade-offs exist between Northern and Southern interests under the CDM and suggests that the interests of the South are often sacrificed. On this basis, conclusions are drawn which point to the need for increased attention to and accommodation of Southern interests in the CDM specifically, and global climate change efforts more broadly.

Ce mémoire est l'exposé d'une problématique liée aux changements climatiques, particulièrement aux questions touchant l'interchangeabilité (fongibilité) juridique des droits d'émission entre les différents systèmes d'échanges nationaux et supranationaux à l'échelle internationale -qui soit ou non le produit de l'entrée en vigueur du Protocole de Kyoto. Il comprend une première partie qui vise à spécifier le cadre normatif interétatique dans lequel ces systèmes évoluent. Cette partie conclut qu'un instrument comme le Protocole de Kyoto est caractérisé par une hybridité juridique issue de l'effet combiné de la mondialisation et de l'atypisme du droit international de l'environnement, ce qui lui permet d'avoir un volet normatif quasi-impératif, d'une part, et adaptatif, d'autre part. La deuxième partie explore la question de la fongibilité intersystémique des droits d'émission, en passant en revue le dispositif des Accords de Marrakech et en examinant comment se présente le volet adaptatif du cadre normatif. La conclusion débouche sur la constatation de l'entrée en scène d'une nouvelle lex mercatoria, induite par l'apport du secteur privé, qui a le potentiel de supplanter des dispositions des Accords de Marrakech -si elles répondent à un critère de «compatibilité». Finalement, le mémoire forge une théorie de la fongibilité asymétrique liée au potentiel d'intermédiation du secteur privé qui est présent dans le marché du carbone et conclu qu'il fera converger les droits d'émission vers une fongibilité parfaite éventuellement. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Échange des droit d'émission, Fongibilité des permis, Finance de l'environnement, Protocole de Kyoto, Marché du carbone, Changements climatiques.

The Kyoto Protocol is one of the most important international climate change treaties aimed at fighting global warming. On January 1st 2005, the protocol was enforced with its first commitment period 2008-2012. However, the effectiveness of reducing CO2 emission has long been debated. The purpose of this thesis is to empirically as-sess the impact of the Kyoto Protocol on carbon dioxide reduction across countries, whether the protocol led significant difference after entering force in 2005. The data used in this thesis cover 37 Annex B countries and 148 non-annex B countries from 1990 to 2007. The models are constructed on the basis of the various contributing fac-tors to CO2 emissions and the Environmental Kuznets Curve model. The main find-ing is contrary against the result expected. The insignificant dummy variable cannot indicate that there is a “structural break” of CO2 emissions reduction after the Kyoto Protocol was implemented. The conclusion is that political agreements such as Kyoto Protocol cannot show critical effects on reducing carbon dioxide. The underlying main driving factors of CO2 emission are energy use, electricity from coal source, fossil fuel burning, in other words, industrialization. And the technology develop-ments cannot keep in pace with finding a new energy source and effectively control-ling CO2 emissions in the short run.

The European Union has initiated a scheme for trading with CO2 emission allowances as a measure to reduce greenhouse gas emission levels. Since January 2005 companies from certain energy demanding sectors, responsible for approximately 50 % of the total CO2 emissions in the EU, are participating in this scheme, the so called EU Emission Trading Scheme. A trading scheme covering all sectors, i.e. all emissions in the EU would lead to the most cost efficient solution to reduce emissions by a certain amount. This means that the EU Emission Trading Scheme should be enlarged to cover also the transport sector, which is not participating today, but responsible for about 21 % of the total greenhouse gas emissions in the EU. There are three ways to include the transport sector in the EU Emission Trading Scheme, i.e. to administrate the handling and trading of emission allowances in the transport sector. The first is a so called downstream approach, meaning that the actual emitter of the GHG, in this case a private person driving a car or a haulage contractor using trucks to transport goods, would be responsible for acquiring and trading emission allowances in accordance to the amount of greenhouse gases that he emits. The second way is a so called upstream approach, meaning that the owner of fuel depots would be responsible for acquiring and trading emission allowances corresponding to the amount of fossil fuel that he is selling, which is proportional to the amount of greenhouse gases that is emitted when using the fuel. The third solution is to lay the responsibility for acquiring and trading emission allowances on the companies that are ordering the transportation service, indirectly causing greenhouse gas emissions when their goods are being transported. All three solutions have their advantages and disadvantages, but the benefits of using the upstream approach are the greatest. By allocating the responsibility for keeping and trading emission allowances at the fuel depots, an extensive part of greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuel use, not only in the transport sector, could be covered by the EU Emission Trading Scheme to the lowest administrational cost possible.

The Precautionary Principle (PP) as formulated in the context of climate change requires countries to take measures to anticipate, prevent or minimize the causes of climate change and mitigate its adverse impacts despite a lack of full scientific certainty as to such causes. The Differentiated Responsibility Principle (the DR Principle) recognizes a common responsibility of all countries to prevent climate change and calls on developed states to assume a leadership role in the global effort to prevent climate change. The DR Principle requires some developed countries to place a restriction on their GHG emissions. Unfortunately this means that at least in the short term, developing countries are not subject to greenhouse gas (GHG) emission targets, thereby exacerbating the climate change problem. <p>Implementing the DR Principle in this manner conflicts with the PP. To avoid this conflict, the DR Principle should be formulated in a manner which demands some restriction on GHG emission, by developing countries. Efforts to prevent human induced climate change should be made by all countries regardless of their individual culpability for climate change if the PP is to have effect.

The so-called Critical Buddhism was originated by two Buddhist scholars at Komazawa University: Hakamaya Noriaki and Matsumoto Shiro. It stirred up great controversy by its claims that the teachings of Tathagatagarbha, Buddha-nature, original enlightenment, and the philosophy of Kyoto School are not Buddhist, and aroused great interest and responses from Buddhists and Buddhologist in Japan.( Shih, Heng-Ching¡F2001) They condemn the ideas of Buddha Nature, Tathāgatagarbha and Original Enlightenment developed in China and Japan as deviating from the fundamental Buddhist thoughts of pratītyasamutpāda and śūnyatā, thereby backtracking to the substantialism of the idea of Brahman in the Upaniṣads.At the level of social criticism, Critical Buddhism blamed the idea of Wa (harmony), which derives from Tathaagatagarbha thought, for social discrimination and injustice.(Yu-Kwan Ng¡F2009) The same controversy caused by Zhi Na Nei Xue Yuan and New Confucianism also occurred in China. Therefore,the development of Buddhism in China and Japan both became the representations of East Asia. The development of Buddhism became not only the characteristic of civilization, but aslo the public philosophy of East Asia through the concept of ¡§Nothing¡§(µL).

Abstract As ecological deterioration getting worse and worse, the degree from global environment problem threat human life is more and more striking, and brings the rise of environmental diplomacy and global environmental politics. The PRC has wide territory, numerous population, and abundant natural resource, however after twenty years of modernizing, result in environment crisis. Since 1989, the PRC being forced to enhance her attention and participation in international environmental protection field by the pressure from domestic and foreign factors. The purpose of this thesis is to realize the details about the development of the PRC environmental diplomacy during the post cold-war era. The author try to combine domestic and international approaches, and use regime theory to analyze the actions of the PRC. The findings as follows: 1. The PRC make their objectives (ex : gain financial and technical assistance, improve the domestic environmental protection ability, modify her international image, etc. ) come true by holding the principles, including secure sovereignty, the unequal responsibilities between developed and developing countries, and developed countries should bare the major responsibilities of global environment problems. 2. The decision-making about the policy guide participation in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change origins from the result of the bargaining between bureaucracies. Besides, climate regime can change the options of environmental and science agencies, but the effect doesn¡¦t show in ultimate decisions. 3. Although the PRC still fear participation in regime will let her sovereignty invaded and economic potential repressed, try to make long-term plans and make capital of foreign firms to improve her environmental protection abilities.

In Taiwan, most of the energy relies on imports due to few natural resources. Further more, scientists estimate that crude oil will be depleted within 40 years. A high cost energy era has arrived. Skyrocketing oil prices have a severe negative impact on the cost structure of the Taiwan Power Company (TPC), which has an estimated deficit of NT$70 billion in 2007. TPC has faced a difficult dilemma: whether to raise the electricity rate or become bankrupt. Eventually, the government has to intervene. The Kyoto Protocol was in effect in February 2005. It is expected that the environmental convention of reducing of CO2 will become an international movement following ISO14000. With every one kilowatt hour of electricity is generated by TPC, 638g of CO2 were produced. The products of made-in-Taiwan will not received international approval and will be boycotted by the International market if the energy efficiency of national enterprise is too low. Air compressor system, which is as important as water and electricity, is popularly used in almost all industries. However, its high energy-consumption and low efficiency system is seldom noticed. The energy cost of air compressor system is about 80% of the total operational cost which includes the electricity costs of all the machinery and lightings. How to improve air compressor efficiency plays an important role in the manufacture¡¦s production cost and its competition against other industries. Facing fierce competition and low profit, the industries must not only continuously innovate and reduce the cost to enhance competition ability for keeping market share, but also increase energy efficiency and reduce the emission of greenhouse gases by the green production method meeting the environmental requirement. The report is the summary of the interviews with many industry leaders who are involved in the air compressor production or the government officials who are in charge of energy-saving promotion. It also combines with the data of actual measurement of the compressor systems to research if the investment willingness of manufacturers is reflected by their operation cost, operation strategy, the risky consideration when facing law and the information getting of compressor energy-saving. The results of the study are: Clarify the main factors which influence the investment willingness to compressor energy-saving. (A) The cost side: The investment willingness is influenced by the cognition of the leaders of manufacturer unit or business owner to compressor system cost. (B) The strategy side: The investment willingness is influenced by the cognition of the leaders of manufacturer unit or business owner to the operation strategy on compressor system. (C) The legal side: The investment willingness is influenced by the cognition of the leaders of manufacturer unit or business owner to the legal affection to business. (D) The information side: The investment willingness is influenced by getting the information of energy-saving of compressor system. Finally, the study proposes a feasible project to the industries and the government officials who promote energy saving.

<p>The aim of this study is to clarify the Swedish government’s purpose of participating in the</p><p>European Union Emission Trading Scheme. Taking as its departure point state-centric</p><p>international political economy this study presents three plausible hypotheses on what the</p><p>purpose might be. Either it is to promote consumers interests, or to promote the Swedish</p><p>national climate goal “Reduced impact on climate”, or to promote the profit of Swedish</p><p>companies. The study sets out to test the hypotheses through four different methods in order</p><p>to disprove them. Through a text analysis of four different government proposals, through a</p><p>questionnaire sent out to 98 companies included in the Swedish National Allocation Plan,</p><p>through an interview with a ministerial civil servant and through a game theoretical matrix</p><p>based on the government’s own preferences.</p><p>The conclusion should be of interest to industry, environmentalists, politicians as well as to</p><p>journalists and scientists. From a theoretical point of view the conclusion explains the reason</p><p>for priorities and setting of rules by the government within energy politics as well as within</p><p>climate politics. The study concludes that the climate is priority number one and industry is</p><p>priority number two and this explains why, according to an industrial spokesperson, industrial</p><p>interests are not being met to a full extent. However the tide may turn in the future if the</p><p>government decides to include carbon dioxide sinks in the Emission Trading Scheme. The</p><p>government believes that storing carbon dioxide for a limited amount of time is worse than</p><p>reducing actual emissions.</p>

Canada’s emissions are nearly 30 per cent above its Kyoto target. Kathryn Harrison is looking to understand why some countries are leading the way and why others are falling short.