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Yes / Using the UK Citizenship Survey for the years 2007–2010, this paper investigates how immigrants view immigration and how these views compare to the views of natives. Immigrants who have been in the UK longer are similar to natives in being opposed to further immigration, while recent immigrants are more in favour of further immigration. Labour market concerns do not play a large role for either immigrants or natives. However, there is some evidence that financial and economic shocks can increase anti-immigration sentiments. / The Peter and Norah Lomas PhD Scholarship in Economics.

This dissertation considers how the transition from craft manufacture to mechanized glass production affected the organization of work and the consequences for the recruitment of labour. Based on gender and ethnicity, the dissertation studies the composition of the workforce, the significance of qualifications, and differences in career paths and length of stay have been investigated at Surte glassworks 1943–1978. Charles Tilly’s theory of durable inequality is applied to analyse whether primarily gender and ethnicity had any effect on the assignment of tasks and on discrimination. In conclusion, the results from Surte are compared with conditions at Kosta glassworks. Whereas Surte’s specialty was machine-made bottles, Kosta was geared to craft production of utility glass and art glass. After mechanization at Surte, machine-tenders were counted among the most qualified category, instead of the glass-blowers who had previously been in demand. Manufacture at a pace regulated by machines led to more routine chores such as inspection and packaging. At Kosta, with its focus on craft, glass-blowers still had the highest positions and had learned glass-blowing in the traditional way through practical exercise. At neither Surte nor Kosta did women have any opportunity to receive comparable training. After the Second World War there was a growing need for labour at both Surte and Kosta, and to keep production going the main alternative was foreign labour. The peak was reached in the 1960s, and of roughly 660 collectively employed workers at Surte in November 1964, almost 40% were immigrants, chiefly from Finland. Kosta at the same time, with just under 330 employees, had slightly under 10% foreign workers, mainly from Greece. Kosta attracted a number of skilled glass-workers from abroad, but the majority of immigrants there, and all those at Surte, lacked experience of glass manufacture At neither Surte nor Kosta, with their different production methods, is there any evidence of durable inequality based on ethnicity. The assignment of tasks was guided rather by the functions in demand at the companies and by the applicants’ qualifications. Internal training and career opportunities were open to all male workers, regardless of which country they came from. On the other hand, the gender division of labour at both glassworks created durable inequality for all women regardless of nationality. / <p>Projektet delfinasierat av Kulturparken Småland.</p>

The primary purpose of this thesis is to analyse the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, the LO’s, mediated rhetoric, arguments and social and institutional practices in the process of forming the LO’s policy regarding the introduction, incorporation and participation of immigrants in Swedish society in general, the workplace and the trade union movement in the period 1945–1981. The theoretical purpose is to explore how power relations of superiority and subordination based primarily on the categories of class, ethnicity and nation, but also on gender and to some extent generation, have been formed through ideological processes of inclusion and boundary drawing in rhetorical speeches, texts and institutional practices within the framework of an explicit class-based community as the LO constituted. The results demonstrate that the LO had an ambivalent attitude towards labour immigration in an expanding post-war Swedish economy. On the one hand the trade unions accepted that industrial growth and general welfare reforms were dependent on the labour supply. On the other hand, the LO feared that uncontrolled labour immigration would be a disadvantage for indigenous workers, since wages could be kept low and obsolete industrial sectors could be maintained and the “solidarity wage policy” could be endangered because of the influx of migrant labour. Organising the immigrants was a central part of the union movement’s strategy, and the LO also insisted from the very beginning on equal wages and employment conditions between indigenous and immigrant workers to avoid wage pressures. During the second half of the 1960s and the 1970s, the LO repeatedly argued that the scale of immigration should be weighted against factors such as access to work, housing, social services, education and language teahcing. One major argument in the thesis is that within the LO, immigration policy measures were perceived to be a functional “adaptation” of immigrants to the already defined institutions, norms and national culture of the Swedish majority society. Accordingly, the immigrants were expected to adapt themselves to the “normal” Swedish and social democratic way of doing things in a rational and organised manner. During the 1970s, Swedish language training and company introduction with union attendance, translated information bulletins about the Swedish labour market and society, union courses and study circles could be seen as central means in a process of socialisation and “normalisation”. These policy measures were dimensions of a social democratic ideological identity project within the trade union movement, which was constructed as a symbol of the given national order and “the Swedish way of doing things”. The results also demonstrate how class, ethnicity, nation and gender have worked as structuring principles of power and status within the LO.

New regulations of labour immigration from countries outside of EU and EEA have on the 15th of December 2008 been introduced into the Swedish legal system. This research examines the law changes of labour immigration from third countries to Sweden at the time of the ratification of the new law. The aim of this research has been to examine how common labour immigration directives and policies of EU are maintained and implemented in the domestic sphere of Sweden and the possible outcomes on the Swedish labour market by applying the current law implementations. The results show the complexity of combining national laws with EU policies and regulations. The main findings show a difficulty of maintaining an unharmed principle of community preference as well as to preserve Swedish employment standards in order not to risk wage dumping when implementing the new law of labour immigration.

Invandrade kvinnor i Handels. Föreställningar om arbetskraftsinvandrade kvinnor i Handelsnytt 1961-1976. (Immigrant women in Handels. Conceptions of labour immigrated women in Handelsnytt 1961-1976). The primary purpose of this thesis is to analyze the written conceptions of labour immigrated women in Handelsnytt, a Swedish Trade Union magazine. The analyses of the conceptions are based on theoretical categories of class, gender and ethnicity. The purpose is to examine how labour immigrated women, as members of the Union, Handelsanställdas förbund, were perceived and how the conceptions of them were expressed through these categories. The time period of the study is based on Yvonne Hirdman´s gender contract- The Equality contract, it was a time period when labour immigration peaked and later on attenuated. And also a time when women in Sweden begun to work outside of home in a wider extent than before. The study also means to explore power relations and subordination of the given categories and how these integrate and enhance each other.   The results demonstrate a significance absence of articles, features and overall coverage of immigrated women in Handelsnytt. The small amounts of articles about or for immigrated workers tend to leave the immigrated woman unseen.  The immigrant workers are rarely individually described; they are mostly defined as a sexless group or as a man. If the lack of recognition may be explained by limited membership of female immigrated workers could be one answer, but not entirely satisfying. Even though the trade industry was dependable on its workers language knowledge, which is a large part of the rhetoric inflicting the immigrant articles, it may not mean there were no female immigrant workers in this industry. However the results cannot with certainty claim it to be either way, not the lack of female members or as a proof of the domination of male rhetoric within the trade union-Handels.