<p>This paper takes it points of departure in a gender equality perspective and the perceived paradox between the governmental labour market policy and family policy. The first policy area has the aim to put people to work, whereas the other introduces a reform, vårdnadsbidraget, that point in the opposite direction. Which are the problem representations within the two policy areas and are the problem representations concordant or contradictive? From a constructivist perspective, langue is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. Drawing on political documents, speeches and articles formulated within the government, this paper analyzes problem representations through the use of discourse analysis and feminist political theory. The main conclusion of this paper is that there are contradictions within the problem representations, both within and between the two policy areas. The most significant contradiction is that gender equality within labour market policy is formulated around the individual, whilst in family politics it is based on the family as a unit.</p>

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Ilgalaikis nedarbas laikoma labai svarbia darbo rinkos problema tiek Lietuvoje, tiek visose Europos Sąjungos šalyse. Ilgalaikiu bedarbių skaičiaus mažinimas – vienas iš pagrindiniu Lietuvos darbo biržos 2005 metu veiklos tikslu. Šiandieninės nesprendžiamos ilgalaikio nedarbo problemos – tai rytdienos socialinės problemos, kurių sprendimui reikės vis didesnių visuomeninių lėšų. 2004 metais bendras bedarbių skaičius sumažėjo 37,8 tūkst., tačiau ilgalaikių bedarbių dalis, palyginti su bendru bedarbiu skaičiumi, išliko didelė (26,9 proc.). 2005 metu pradžioje Lietuvoje kas trečias bedarbis nedirbo daugiau kaip 12 mėnesių. Šiuo darbu siekiama išsiaiškinti ilgalaikių bedarbių integracija į darbo rinką sąlygojančius veiksnius, įvertinti užimtumo priemonių veiksmingumą, darbo biržos teikiamu paslaugų efektyvumą, bedarbių darbinės motyvacijos lygį, bei nustatyti šios bedarbių grupės užimtumą didinančias kryptis bei priemones. Darbą sudaro keturi skyriai. Įvade pateikti darbo tikslai, uždaviniai, hipotezės. Pirmame skyriuje aptarta ilgalaikių bedarbių situacija darbo rinkoje, išanalizuotos ilgalaikio nedarbo priežastys, socialinės ir ekonominės ilgą laiką nerandančių darbo žmonių nedarbo problemos. Antrame skyriuje dėmesys skirtas naujausių ilgalaikių bedarbių užimtumo politikos krypčių Lietuvoje ir Europos Sąjungoje aptarimui. Trečiame skyriuje aprašytas sociologinio tyrimo modelis, tiriamųjų atrankos, anketos sudarymo logika ir duomenų apdorojimas. Ketvirtame skyriuje pateikti tyrimo... [to full text] / Long-term unemployment is considered a very significant labour market problem in Lithuania as well as in all European Union countries. Reducing a number of the long-term unemployed is one of the main tasks of Lithuania Labour Exchange for the year 2005. The purpose of this thesis is to find out the factors determining successful integration of the long-term unemployed into the labour market. Also, this thesis aims to evaluate employment means, service effectiveness of Labour Exchange, motivation level of the unemployed and to set directions and means for employment increasing.

This thesis looks at the politics of labor market policy in the postwar period in the advanced industrialized democracies. Specifically, the dissertation seeks to explain stark cross-national differences in unemployment benefit systems and employment protection legislation. The theory advanced in this thesis emphasizes significant differences in union organization across the rich democracies. This view, “Varieties of Unionism”, shows how the varying political capacities and policy preferences of labor movements explain most of the cross-national policy differences. In particular, the research points to union movements’ ideological traditions and varying rates of union density, union centralization, and involvement in unemployment benefit administration as crucial explanatory forces. Each feature of union movements captures an important part of why they might choose to advocate on behalf of the unemployed and to their differential ability to have those policy preferences realized, as well as indicating the kinds of preferences they will have for employment protection legislation. In the case of policies directed at the unemployed (or so-called labor market ‘Outsiders’), these insights lead to the construction of an index of “Outsider-oriented Unionism”, which correlates very closely to cross-national variations in unemployment benefit generosity as well as to active labor market policy spending. The thesis also introduces a new fourfold typology of unionism that helps to explain the different combinations of employment protection legislation and ‘Outsider policy’ generosity that exist among the rich democracies, or labor market policy ‘regimes’. The thesis makes this argument with multiple regression analysis of fifteen rich democracies and with detailed historical case studies of Britain, The Netherlands, and Sweden. In making this case, the thesis strongly challenges the explanations of labor market policy put forward by the Varieties of Capitalism literature and Insider-Outsider theory. In addition, the thesis reformulates the traditional Power Resource view by introducing a more rigorous theory of labor movements’ policy preferences and thereby qualifies recent statements that have emphasized partisanship almost alone. Most broadly, the theory challenges the “individualist turn” in recent comparative political economy scholarship and suggests that the field needs to return its gaze far more toward organized interests.

This thesis looks at the politics of labor market policy in the postwar period in the advanced industrialized democracies. Specifically, the dissertation seeks to explain stark cross-national differences in unemployment benefit systems and employment protection legislation. The theory advanced in this thesis emphasizes significant differences in union organization across the rich democracies. This view, “Varieties of Unionism”, shows how the varying political capacities and policy preferences of labor movements explain most of the cross-national policy differences. In particular, the research points to union movements’ ideological traditions and varying rates of union density, union centralization, and involvement in unemployment benefit administration as crucial explanatory forces. Each feature of union movements captures an important part of why they might choose to advocate on behalf of the unemployed and to their differential ability to have those policy preferences realized, as well as indicating the kinds of preferences they will have for employment protection legislation. In the case of policies directed at the unemployed (or so-called labor market ‘Outsiders’), these insights lead to the construction of an index of “Outsider-oriented Unionism”, which correlates very closely to cross-national variations in unemployment benefit generosity as well as to active labor market policy spending. The thesis also introduces a new fourfold typology of unionism that helps to explain the different combinations of employment protection legislation and ‘Outsider policy’ generosity that exist among the rich democracies, or labor market policy ‘regimes’. The thesis makes this argument with multiple regression analysis of fifteen rich democracies and with detailed historical case studies of Britain, The Netherlands, and Sweden. In making this case, the thesis strongly challenges the explanations of labor market policy put forward by the Varieties of Capitalism literature and Insider-Outsider theory. In addition, the thesis reformulates the traditional Power Resource view by introducing a more rigorous theory of labor movements’ policy preferences and thereby qualifies recent statements that have emphasized partisanship almost alone. Most broadly, the theory challenges the “individualist turn” in recent comparative political economy scholarship and suggests that the field needs to return its gaze far more toward organized interests.

Šiame darbe analizuojama Lietuvos darbo rinkos politika. Darbo rinka yra viena pagrindinių ekonominės sistemos rinkų. Tuo pačiu ji yra ir socialinis reiškinys įtakojantis pagrindinius socialinės raidos veiksnius – gyvenimo lygį, užimtumą, išsilavinimą, įsidarbinimo galimybes, darbo užmokestį. 2004 metai Lietuvai ir jos įgyvendinamai darbo rinkos politikai buvo labai svarbūs ir reikšmingi. Lietuva įstojusi į Europos Sąjungą tapo realiu Europos užimtumo strategijos įgyvendinimo ir atviro jos koordinavimo proceso dalyviu. Darbo tikslas - įvertinti pastarųjų metų Lietuvos darbo rinkos situaciją ir valstybės politiką šioje srityje, išsiaiškinti Lietuvos pastangas siekiant prisitaikyti prie Europos Sąjungos keliamų reikalavimų, identifikuoti kliūtis, trukdančias plėtrai. / Policy of Lithuanian labour market is analysed in the present work. Labour market is one of the main markets of the economic system. It is also a social phenomenon influencing the main factors of social development - the standard of life, employment, education, employment possibilities, and wages. 2004 was very important and significant for Lithuania and the policy of the labour market realised by it. Upon entering of the European Union we became actual participators of the European employment strategy realisation and its open coordination process. The purpose of this work is to sum up the Lithuanian labour market situation of the recent years and country policy in this direction, to ascertain endeavour made by Lithuania seeking to adapt to the requirements raised by the European Union as well as to identify obstacles that keep down the development. In this work is reviewed labour market and labour market policy by theoretical aspects. That become the basis upon analysing the labour market management system in the case of Lithuania. The main country labour institutions are singled out in the research as well as active and passive measures of the labour market policy prepared and realised by these institutions together with their efficiency. Evaluation of legitimate basis regulating Lithuanian labour market and the strategy of the European Union is performed. Lithuanian labour market, its development tendencies and influencing factors are analysed. Situation of individual... [to full text]

This dissertation examines the political economy of labour market policy in Canada and its effectiveness in addressing the social and economic exclusion of Aboriginal people. For many Aboriginal people, the colonial experience has left a legacy of destruction that all too often makes the journey through life extremely complicated. Aboriginal people generally have lower education levels than non-Aboriginal people and they earn lower incomes. The Aboriginal population is growing at a faster rate than the non-Aboriginal population and is on average much younger. In provinces like Manitoba where Aboriginal people make up 15 percent of the overall population, they are an important source of labour. Yet the statistics suggest that there is much to be done to bring Aboriginal people to a state of social and economic inclusion. Low high-school completion rates imply that the primary school system is failing Aboriginal children, leaving many unprepared to enter post secondary education and the labour market. Labour market policies can help address poverty and exclusion. While they can broadly include a set of policies affecting both the supply and demand for labour, this research shows that in a neo-liberal political economy, they have come to be much more limited in scope, focusing almost solely on supply-side solutions. For Aboriginal adults, this has meant support for short-term training programs aimed at preparing them for jobs determined by the market. This creates challenges for individuals who have a host of factors standing in their way. An examination of Manitoba based initiatives shows the implications of the policy environment for Aboriginal second-chance learners. It also shows how some programs have adapted to the neo-liberal environment to better serve their students and leads to some concluding thoughts on what might be done to further improve outcomes for Aboriginal second-chance learners.

This PhD study centres on analysing the changing employment service portfolios available to disadvantaged people out of work in Britain and Germany. Looking at the recent wave of comparative studies on ‘activation’ reforms, it springs to mind that the question of the changing portfolio of ‘active’ labour market policy (ALMP) measures has received only little attention in the sense of a rigorous comparative analysis. In order to address that gap, this study develops a novel normative and analytical perspective for the study of ALMP, which then is applied to the empirical cases Britain and Germany. I first develop the concept of personalisation as the normative and analytical framework for the analysis of ALMP. I show that the diversity of ALMP portfolios, which is a precondition for a personalised service provision, can serve as a proxy for measuring personalisation. Equipped with this analytical tool, the analysis subsequently focuses on the changes to ALMP portfolios over the past 15 years in terms of diversity. It is shown that during this period both Britain and Germany reformed working-age benefits in a way that led to a closer integration of the benefit system at an institutional level. Taking the policy rhetoric that closer integration will lead to more ‘personalised’ (UK) or more ‘tailor-made’ (Germany) services as a starting point, I analyse whether these developments at an institutional level have indeed led to a more personalised, or more diverse, provision of employment services. This study looks in particular at the situation of those groups in the two countries who have been most affected by recent integration reforms. These have primarily been claimants of second-tier working-age benefits, namely incapacity related benefits in the UK, and ‘Sozialhilfe’ (SH, social assistance) and ‘Arbeitslosengeld II’ (ALGII, Unemployment Benefit II) in Germany. I find that in both countries, employment services for claimants of these second-tier benefits have become more diverse in the wake of the integration reforms of the past 10 to 15 years, thereby increasing their personalisation potential. However, the two countries have each followed very specific reform trajectories. While the volume and coverage of ALMP have increased in both countries, the portfolio of services for second-tier claimants today is much more diverse in Germany than in Britain. This is primarily due to the existence of a large volume of services directed at claimants more distant from the labour market that follow a social integration & employability approach. These services are more marginal in Britain, where measures that follow a work-first approach are dominant. This divergent development is indicative of major and persistent differences in terms of ideational context as well as institutional (operational) factors. New Public Management reforms have influenced operational policy to different degrees in the two countries, effectively limiting the diversity of employment services in Britain more than in Germany.

The aim of this paper is to research and discuss the role the cultural politics play for the Swedish employment office (Arbetsförmedlingen) and the meaning culture politics have within the labour market policy. A research has shown that Arbetsförmedlingen evaluates unemployed cultural workers differently than regular registered jobseekers. From an instrumental perspective on political implementation this can be considered as an anomali. Arbetsförmedlingen’s mandate derives from the government and its authority is a tool for carrying out state policy. A study, conducted on how Arbetsförmedlingen handles matching of culture jobseekers in the labour market can therefore be utilized as guidance towards possible answers regarding the state’s cultural policy in general. The problem formulation presented above led to the following inquiry: Does Arbetsförmedlingen have a cultural political assignment appointed by the government? Furthermore, what does the answer to the question imply regarding the Swedish cultural policy? A descriptive analysis of ideas are applied in order to examine governmental political documents and Arbetsförmedlingen’s regulations. The inquiry has generated a no answer for its question.  Arbetsförmedlingen does not have a cultural political assignment. The governmental organization has primarily a labour market political mission and in this context it signifies that it balances the cultural labour market. The result indicates that the Swedish cultural policy are presently diverting from the traditional Swedish model, where the state had a closer relationship to the culture and the culture workers.

This dissertation examines the political economy of labour market policy in Canada and its effectiveness in addressing the social and economic exclusion of Aboriginal people. For many Aboriginal people, the colonial experience has left a legacy of destruction that all too often makes the journey through life extremely complicated. Aboriginal people generally have lower education levels than non-Aboriginal people and they earn lower incomes. The Aboriginal population is growing at a faster rate than the non-Aboriginal population and is on average much younger. In provinces like Manitoba where Aboriginal people make up 15 percent of the overall population, they are an important source of labour. Yet the statistics suggest that there is much to be done to bring Aboriginal people to a state of social and economic inclusion. Low high-school completion rates imply that the primary school system is failing Aboriginal children, leaving many unprepared to enter post secondary education and the labour market. Labour market policies can help address poverty and exclusion. While they can broadly include a set of policies affecting both the supply and demand for labour, this research shows that in a neo-liberal political economy, they have come to be much more limited in scope, focusing almost solely on supply-side solutions. For Aboriginal adults, this has meant support for short-term training programs aimed at preparing them for jobs determined by the market. This creates challenges for individuals who have a host of factors standing in their way. An examination of Manitoba based initiatives shows the implications of the policy environment for Aboriginal second-chance learners. It also shows how some programs have adapted to the neo-liberal environment to better serve their students and leads to some concluding thoughts on what might be done to further improve outcomes for Aboriginal second-chance learners.