O propósito desta dissertação é examinar os trabalhadores envolvidos na construção, manutenção e operação da Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil, focalizando especialmente a greve dos ferroviários ocorrida no ano de 1914. Questões relacionadas à composição da mão-de-obra tanto da construção como da operação da ferrovia e às condições de trabalho existentes são temas a serem examinados. O período de análise compreende os anos entre 1904, ano de formação da Companhia Noroeste, e 1917, quando ocorre a encampação da E. F. Bauru-Itapura pela União. A ferrovia Noroeste do Brasil, como se convencionou chamá-la desde seu surgimento, que liga as cidades de Bauru (SP) e Corumbá (MS), começou a ser construída em 1905, atingindo Porto Esperança (MS) no ano de 1914, quando completou 1.272 quilômetros de extensão. Ao cortar regiões ainda não ocupadas pelo homem branco, a Noroeste do Brasil foi a primeira ferrovia do estado de São Paulo a abrir novos territórios, ao contrário de suas antecessoras, que surgiram para auxiliar a produção cafeeira já existente. As dificuldades no processo de construção da ferrovia foram muitas. A travessia de áreas insalubres, úmidas e empestadas de mosquitos, a transposição de rios, a presença indígena na região, a dificuldade no recrutamento de trabalhadores, a ganância dos empreiteiros, além do método repressor da Companhia Noroeste com os seus empregados, fizeram desse processo um empreendimento complexo em todos os aspectos e, ao mesmo tempo, desafiador aos limites do homem. Até 1917, a Noroeste do Brasil era, na verdade, formada por duas estradas independentes e interligadas: pela E. F. Bauru-Itapura, privada, de propriedade dos acionistas da Companhia Noroeste; e pela E. F. Itapura-Corumbá, de propriedade da União. Em dezembro de 1917, a E. F. Bauru-Itapura foi encampada pela União, sendo, no ano seguinte, incorporada à E. F. Itapura-Corumbá, de modo que as duas passaram a ser denominadas de Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil. Entre 1918 e 1956, a ferrovia esteve sob a administração do governo federal. Em 1957, a Noroeste foi integrada à Rede Ferroviária Federal (RFFSA). / The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the workers involved in construction, maintenance and operation of the Noroeste do Brasil Railroad, focusing especially on the rail strike occurred in the year of 1914. Issues relating to the composition of the workforce - both the construction and operation of the rail and existing working conditions are themes to be examined. The period of analysis covers the years among 1904, year the Companhia Noroeste was formed, and 1917, when the purchase of E. F. Bauru-Itapura occurs by the Union. The Noroeste do Brasil Railroad, as it is known from its appearance, which connects the cities of Bauru (SP) and Corumbá (MS), began to be built in 1905, at Porto Esperança (MS) in the year 1914, when completed 1272 km in length. By crossing regions still not occupied by white men, the Noroeste do Brasil was the first railroad of the state to \"open\" new territories, unlike its predecessors, which appeared to help the coffee production that already existed. The difficulties in the construction of many railroads. The crossing of unhealthy areas, wet and stank of mosquitoes, the crossing of rivers, the indigenous presence in the region, the difficulty in recruiting workers, the greed of contractors, besides the repressive method of Companhia Noroeste with its employees, have made this process a complex undertaking in all aspects and at the same time, challenging to the limits of man. Until 1917, the Noroeste do Brasil was in fact formed by two independent and interconnected roads: by E. F. Bauru-Itapura, private, ownership of the shareholders of the Companhia Noroeste, and by E. F. Itapura-Corumbá, ownership of the Union. On December 1917, to E. F. Bauru-Itapura was purchased by the Union, and the following year, to the E. F. Itapura-Corumbá, so the two came to be called the Noroeste do Brasil Railroad. Between 1918 and 1956, the railroad was under the administration of the federal government. In 1957, the Noroeste was integrated to Federal Railway Network (RFFSA).

Master of Philosophy / Australian government policy today aims to ‘deregulate’ industrial relations. A fractured system has ensued where uncontrolled market forces disrupt both business and unions. The building industry is particularly affected by uncertainty and industrial barbarism. Precisely one hundred years ago government policy was to create order, becoming directly involved in industrial regulation. This thesis aims to understand how building unions maintained their rates and conditions in the pre-arbitration era when there were no legislative minimums, and it seeks to place their labour relations within a political and ideological context. The thesis criticises historical scholarship surrounding artisan unionism in Britain and Australia, in particular the role of building tradesmen. Positive relations between employers and employed in the industry are often described in pejorative terms with tradesmen labelled ‘aristocrats of labour’ – apolitical, middle class and lacking class-awareness. The thesis argues this view does not adequately describe the qualities of building operatives, or place their motives within a ‘deregulated’ industrial context. To demonstrate nineteenth century building industry unionism in NSW had a broader nature, the thesis looks at British trade union radicalism. It examines both changes in structure and ideology caused by growing industrialisation and competitive organisation affecting building tradesmen known as general contracting, as well as continuity and differences in ideas of social change and progress. The thesis connects the ideology of British and colonial building unions in this regard. It then turns to the lives, work and society of nineteenth century building workers in Sydney and the make-up of their organisations. The thesis seeks to understand the political and ideological aspects of Australian building unionism and the effects of general contracting and competition. Central to the discussion is the influence of the Co-operative movement, and the significance of the struggle for the eight-hour day to the labour movement. Both were progressive responses to unfettered market forces on the trade. It argues that the challenges faced by operatives in maintaining conditions led them to develop politically, creating ‘modern’ class representation and ideology. The thesis ends with a chapter that examines the evidence before the 1891 NSW Royal Commission into Strikes showing the building industry to be characterised by conflict, co-operation, and radicalism. Unionists expressed progressive ideology and industrial militancy but maintained positive relationships with certain employers for whom they provided market security. The trade-off for efforts in this respect was recognition that union rules would be the primary form of industrial regulation. Their system, however, was ultimately unsustainable because of competitive pressures, and industrial militancy against builders outside the system flourished. In conclusion, the thesis suggests that nineteenth century building workers improved and maintained industrial standards by militant unionism, and yet, at the same time, by forming co-operative relations with employers. In dealing with the corrosive effect of market deregulation that undermined control over their trade, operatives also built progressive organisations which forged working class unity and developed politically advanced ideologies of social change. Their ideas and practices were at times unsuccessful or contradictory, but building unionists were not inward-looking ‘labour aristocrats’.

The central focus of the thesis is Alice Arnold (1881-1955), women's organiser for the Workers' Union in Coventry between 1917 and 1931 and Labour councillor on Coventry City Council from 1919. The adoption of a local, biographical approach highlights the need to move beyond generalisations about 'Labour women' and encourages examination of the diverse political experiences of women who worked within trade unionism and municipal labour politics in interwar Britain. Within the context of Coventry's early twentieth century industrial and political development, Arnold's politicisation is explored and her experiences compared with those of men and women activists who worked in the industrial and political wings of the Coventry Labour movement. Additionally material that allows comparisons to be made with national figures as well as those from other localities is employed. As well as emphasising the influence of factors including gender, class and political affiliation upon Arnold's position within the male dominated labour movement between the wars, there is consideration of the effect that her status as a single woman had upon her career. The thesis advances what is known about the development of regional labour politics and emphasises the effects that local political, economic and social factors had upon both the involvement of women and on the attitudes of male colleagues towards women's participation. The study is situated within a tradition of feminist history that seeks not merely to draw attention to what women did but questions their motivations for doing it and how they were able to pursue their political ambitions. Through analysis of a range of primary sources, it examines the effects that gendered perceptions and sexist stereotypes had on the ways in which women were able to work within trade unionism and municipal politics. It places women's interests first in an area of history that has traditionally been dominated by accounts of men's involvement and it challenges the construction of historical accounts that have ignored or marginalised women. The influence of masculine epistemology on the ways in which women's political work has been recorded both nationally and at a local level is examined throughout the thesis.

In the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography Len Richardson described Robert Semple as one of the most colourful leaders of the New Zealand labour movement in the first half of the twentieth century. Semple was a national figure in his time and, although historians had outlined some aspects of his public career, there has been no full-length biography written on him. In New Zealand history his characterisation is dominated by two public personas. Firstly, he is remembered as the radical organiser for the New Zealand Federation of Labour (colloquially known as the Red Feds), during 1910-1913. Semple’s second image is as the flamboyant Minister of Public Works in the first New Zealand Labour government from 1935-49. This thesis is not organised in a chronological structure as may be expected of a biography but is centred on a series of themes which have appeared most prominently and which reflect the patterns most prevalent in Semple’s life. The themes were based on activities which were of perceived value to Semple. Thus, the thematic selection was a complex interaction between an author’s role shaping and forming Semple’s life and perceived real patterns visible in the sources. Chapter one explores Semple as an Australian New Zealander whose relationship with his homeland was a complex one, continually affected by issues such as time, place and political expediency. Chapter two considers Semple in the identity which was arguably the most radical in New Zealand historiography – the Socialist. Several facets of Semple’s socialism will be examined including militant socialism, from which his radical persona was formed, state socialism and practical socialism. To improve the lives of working people was Semple’s aim in life, so the third thematic chapter examines Semple’s role as a union organiser – this was a vehicle through which he pursued this aim. It was from this image that Semple’s public career was founded and then sustained. In the fourth chapter Semple, the Labour politician will be examined. Here his ultimate aim was to improve conditions for all New Zealanders and the several arenas in which Semple pursued this end included party activities, municipal politics and ministerial office. In these two chapters changes in Semple’s political perspectives can be seen as labour concerns became subservient to national concerns when he became part of the Labour government. Chapter five examines Semple as an anti-militarist which was the image where the greatest change in political perspective was evidenced. Semple, the anti-conscriptionist of one world war, drew the marble for the first conscription ballot in the next. These themes are not the only ones in Semple’s life but appear most consistently during his lifetime.

Master of Philosophy / Australian government policy today aims to ‘deregulate’ industrial relations. A fractured system has ensued where uncontrolled market forces disrupt both business and unions. The building industry is particularly affected by uncertainty and industrial barbarism. Precisely one hundred years ago government policy was to create order, becoming directly involved in industrial regulation. This thesis aims to understand how building unions maintained their rates and conditions in the pre-arbitration era when there were no legislative minimums, and it seeks to place their labour relations within a political and ideological context. The thesis criticises historical scholarship surrounding artisan unionism in Britain and Australia, in particular the role of building tradesmen. Positive relations between employers and employed in the industry are often described in pejorative terms with tradesmen labelled ‘aristocrats of labour’ – apolitical, middle class and lacking class-awareness. The thesis argues this view does not adequately describe the qualities of building operatives, or place their motives within a ‘deregulated’ industrial context. To demonstrate nineteenth century building industry unionism in NSW had a broader nature, the thesis looks at British trade union radicalism. It examines both changes in structure and ideology caused by growing industrialisation and competitive organisation affecting building tradesmen known as general contracting, as well as continuity and differences in ideas of social change and progress. The thesis connects the ideology of British and colonial building unions in this regard. It then turns to the lives, work and society of nineteenth century building workers in Sydney and the make-up of their organisations. The thesis seeks to understand the political and ideological aspects of Australian building unionism and the effects of general contracting and competition. Central to the discussion is the influence of the Co-operative movement, and the significance of the struggle for the eight-hour day to the labour movement. Both were progressive responses to unfettered market forces on the trade. It argues that the challenges faced by operatives in maintaining conditions led them to develop politically, creating ‘modern’ class representation and ideology. The thesis ends with a chapter that examines the evidence before the 1891 NSW Royal Commission into Strikes showing the building industry to be characterised by conflict, co-operation, and radicalism. Unionists expressed progressive ideology and industrial militancy but maintained positive relationships with certain employers for whom they provided market security. The trade-off for efforts in this respect was recognition that union rules would be the primary form of industrial regulation. Their system, however, was ultimately unsustainable because of competitive pressures, and industrial militancy against builders outside the system flourished. In conclusion, the thesis suggests that nineteenth century building workers improved and maintained industrial standards by militant unionism, and yet, at the same time, by forming co-operative relations with employers. In dealing with the corrosive effect of market deregulation that undermined control over their trade, operatives also built progressive organisations which forged working class unity and developed politically advanced ideologies of social change. Their ideas and practices were at times unsuccessful or contradictory, but building unionists were not inward-looking ‘labour aristocrats’.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / nÃo hà / Esta dissertaÃÃo estuda os embates operÃrios no perÃodo 1959 -1964, no contexto da histÃria do movimento operÃrio paraibano. Aborda inicialmente a construÃÃo da FÃbrica Rio Tinto, entre 1917 e 1924, empreendimento descrito na imprensa e nos registros dos memorialistas, de modo grandiloqÃente, pois em sua visÃo, a fÃbrica impulsionou a economia da regiÃo e da ParaÃba. As primeiras greves em 1930, a criaÃÃo do Sindicato em 1932, a vigilÃncia e repressÃo aos operÃrios comunistas, bem como as paralisaÃÃes de 1946 e 1951, sÃo aqui estudadas como experiÃncias de classe, em seu processo de organizaÃÃo, em seus conteÃdos de heranÃa e partilha. Destaca-se tambÃm o ascenso da organizaÃÃo dos trabalhadores entre 1959 e 1964, em Rio Tinto, como nÃcleo significativo do movimento operÃrio paraibano, compondo sua agenda de reivindicaÃÃes, alÃando vitÃrias, sofrendo reveses e, realizando articulaÃÃes no plano da polÃtica eleitoral. A anÃlise dos processos trabalhistas, como uma via na conquista de direitos, identifica as questÃes trabalhistas como expressÃo de conteÃdo de luta dos trabalhadores. Em estudo ainda, a conjuntura de 1960, com a eleiÃÃo do operÃrio AntÃnio Fernandes para o sindicato e à prefeitura da cidade-fÃbrica em 1963, bem como a repressÃo ao movimento operÃrio em Rio Tinto com o Golpe civil-militar de 1964. / This essay studies the workersâ collisions in the period of 1959 through 1964, emphasizing the labour movement in ParaÃba. It approaches, initially, the construction of the Rio Tinto Factory, between the years of 1917 and 1924, undertaking described in the press and in memoirs as a great enterprise, since, in their vision, the factory developed the economy of the region and of ParaÃba. The first strikes in 1930, the creation of the workerâs union in 1932, the watch and repression of the communist labourers, and also the paralyzations in 1946 and 1951, are studied here as classesâ experiences, in its organizational process, and in its contents of heritage and division. It accentuates the ascension of the workersâ organization in Rio Tinto between 1959 and 1964, as an essential center of the labour movement in ParaÃba, putting into practice their agenda of demands, conquering victories, suffering reverses and articulating in the electoral politics. The analysis of the workersâ processes, as a way of conquering rights, identifies the labour issues as an expression of the workersâ struggle. It is also studied the conjuncture of 1960, with the election of the labourer AntÃnio Fernandes for the union and for the city hall of the factorytown in 1963, and the repression of the labour movement in Rio Tinto after the coup dâÃtat civil-military of 1964.

O propósito desta dissertação é examinar os trabalhadores envolvidos na construção, manutenção e operação da Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil, focalizando especialmente a greve dos ferroviários ocorrida no ano de 1914. Questões relacionadas à composição da mão-de-obra tanto da construção como da operação da ferrovia e às condições de trabalho existentes são temas a serem examinados. O período de análise compreende os anos entre 1904, ano de formação da Companhia Noroeste, e 1917, quando ocorre a encampação da E. F. Bauru-Itapura pela União. A ferrovia Noroeste do Brasil, como se convencionou chamá-la desde seu surgimento, que liga as cidades de Bauru (SP) e Corumbá (MS), começou a ser construída em 1905, atingindo Porto Esperança (MS) no ano de 1914, quando completou 1.272 quilômetros de extensão. Ao cortar regiões ainda não ocupadas pelo homem branco, a Noroeste do Brasil foi a primeira ferrovia do estado de São Paulo a abrir novos territórios, ao contrário de suas antecessoras, que surgiram para auxiliar a produção cafeeira já existente. As dificuldades no processo de construção da ferrovia foram muitas. A travessia de áreas insalubres, úmidas e empestadas de mosquitos, a transposição de rios, a presença indígena na região, a dificuldade no recrutamento de trabalhadores, a ganância dos empreiteiros, além do método repressor da Companhia Noroeste com os seus empregados, fizeram desse processo um empreendimento complexo em todos os aspectos e, ao mesmo tempo, desafiador aos limites do homem. Até 1917, a Noroeste do Brasil era, na verdade, formada por duas estradas independentes e interligadas: pela E. F. Bauru-Itapura, privada, de propriedade dos acionistas da Companhia Noroeste; e pela E. F. Itapura-Corumbá, de propriedade da União. Em dezembro de 1917, a E. F. Bauru-Itapura foi encampada pela União, sendo, no ano seguinte, incorporada à E. F. Itapura-Corumbá, de modo que as duas passaram a ser denominadas de Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil. Entre 1918 e 1956, a ferrovia esteve sob a administração do governo federal. Em 1957, a Noroeste foi integrada à Rede Ferroviária Federal (RFFSA). / The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the workers involved in construction, maintenance and operation of the Noroeste do Brasil Railroad, focusing especially on the rail strike occurred in the year of 1914. Issues relating to the composition of the workforce - both the construction and operation of the rail and existing working conditions are themes to be examined. The period of analysis covers the years among 1904, year the Companhia Noroeste was formed, and 1917, when the purchase of E. F. Bauru-Itapura occurs by the Union. The Noroeste do Brasil Railroad, as it is known from its appearance, which connects the cities of Bauru (SP) and Corumbá (MS), began to be built in 1905, at Porto Esperança (MS) in the year 1914, when completed 1272 km in length. By crossing regions still not occupied by white men, the Noroeste do Brasil was the first railroad of the state to \"open\" new territories, unlike its predecessors, which appeared to help the coffee production that already existed. The difficulties in the construction of many railroads. The crossing of unhealthy areas, wet and stank of mosquitoes, the crossing of rivers, the indigenous presence in the region, the difficulty in recruiting workers, the greed of contractors, besides the repressive method of Companhia Noroeste with its employees, have made this process a complex undertaking in all aspects and at the same time, challenging to the limits of man. Until 1917, the Noroeste do Brasil was in fact formed by two independent and interconnected roads: by E. F. Bauru-Itapura, private, ownership of the shareholders of the Companhia Noroeste, and by E. F. Itapura-Corumbá, ownership of the Union. On December 1917, to E. F. Bauru-Itapura was purchased by the Union, and the following year, to the E. F. Itapura-Corumbá, so the two came to be called the Noroeste do Brasil Railroad. Between 1918 and 1956, the railroad was under the administration of the federal government. In 1957, the Noroeste was integrated to Federal Railway Network (RFFSA).

Orientador: Rodrigo Lanna Franco da Silveira / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T19:49:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ribeiro_ThiagoFigueiredoFonseca_M.pdf: 1716047 bytes, checksum: 7a37a5051c411a0c149faddf9641b56f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Os processos de criação e destruição de empresas são inerentes aos ciclos econômicos capitalistas. Diariamente, criam-se novas empresas, e se encerram outras. Parte dessas teria condições de continuar operando. O Direito Falimentar brasileiro atua como instrumento de proteção e busca preservar as atividades empresariais, recuperar o empreendimento em crise, salvaguardar os interesses dos credores e maximizar o valor dos ativos da empresa falida. Para cumprir seus objetivos, prevê-se o instrumento da recuperação judicial, abrindo-se também aos trabalhadores (enquanto credores) alternativas distintas para o encaminhamento da situação. O presente trabalho objetiva avaliar se a autogestão dos trabalhadores se constitui em uma alternativa viável à recuperação de empresas falidas ou em processo falimentar no Brasil / Abstract: The processes of creation and destruction of firms are inherent to capitalist economic cycles. Every day, new companies are created, while others are terminated. Part of these companies may have conditions to continue in operation. The Brazilian Bankruptcy Law acts as an instrument of protection and seeks to preserve the business activities, recovering the enterprise in crisis, safeguard the interests of lenders and maximize the value of the assets of the bankrupt company. To fulfill its objectives the instrument from bankruptcy, opening up also to workers (as creditors) distinct alternatives for the referral of the situation. This study aims to evaluate if the self-management of workers constitutes a viable alternative to the recovery of failed businesses in Brazil / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

This dissertation investigates the internal struggles within the labour movement in Dalarna at the beginning of the twentieth century. I investigate Social Democracy, Anarcho-Syndicalism and Communism, the three major factions of the working class. I study the relationship between these organisations and their supporters in the complex socio-economic area of Dalarna. I have based my study on the three party programs and their answer to two central questions of the time: Will the conflicts of society lead to revolution? and How should politics and production be organised in the non capitalist society to come? Generally, anarcho-syndicalists argue that state power must be transformed to local government, social democrats hope to make different social interests compromise into political consensus. Communists want a proletarian state through social revolution. How were those ideologies received in Dalarna? In the beginning, anarchists fought social democrats: The opposition excluded from social democracy 1917 was also more influenced by anarchism than by communism. The opposition founded a party, witch towards the 1920´s turned from anarchism into communism, and the small farmers, that erlier had been attracted by the anarchist influenced rural propaganda, left and more industrial workers joined. Simultaneously, anarchists reorganised from a political party to a syndicalistic trade union, gradually mowing from the industrialised south to northern Dalarna. Communists, mainly left in the industrialised south, were shaken by two splits in the 1920´s and they lost their ability to compete with the social democrats in democratic elections. In Dalarna, social democrats, confronting anti-parliamentary anarchy and totalitarian communism alike, won the contest within the labour movement: At the end of the period, they dominated the area.

The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the People’s House in Bromölla as an arena for a plebeian public sphere. More specific, the analysis revolves around how the labour movement created a plebeian public sphere, the construction of the very arena and the activities there, including study circles, labour library, theatre plays, film showings, dance evenings and other amusements as parts of adult education among the working class people. It also comprises examinations of the labour movement’s acting in the local political arena, the labour movement’s connections with the local bourgeoisie on matters concerning politics and the People’s House. The main theoretical perspective is based on Jürgen Habermas’ theory of bourgeois public sphere, reformulated to a plebeian public sphere. The adult education in study circles mainly focused on subjects related to the work in the local politics and in the trade union, i.e. for the activities in the public sphere. These parts of the adult education were primarily a matter for the male part of the labour movement. This mirrors the situation in politics and in the trade union, where foremost men were engaged. Beside the trade union and political studies, subjects like Swedish, English, Esperanto, mathematics and literature were common. From time to time socialism and Marxism were studied. The women mainly studied humanistic subjects with individual development and hold thus the vision of the education ideologists within the labour movement. In the 1940’s the study circles decreased, and finally, in the end of the 1950’s almost ceased. Despite this the education did not cease, but were replaced by music, singing, dancing and machine sewing courses arranged by commercial companies and aesthetic associations. The People’s House was from the beginning open even for associations outside the labour movement. In the 1940’s and, in particularly, the 1950’s the People’s House became an assembly hall for a huge range of associations. Among the tenants were Free Church parishes, athletic associations, hobby associations, temperance societies, political parties from left to right, trade unions, authorities, companies, and the municipal of Bromölla. People’s house was also a place for wedding and birthday celebrations and other private parties. Among the more frequent tenants were Free Churches and music, singing and athletic associations, beside Bromölla municipal, which were a permanent tenant, for instance for the municipal library. The amount of associations from outside the labour movement among the tenants exceeded for some years in the end of 1950’s the labour movement’s meetings. This cross class policy was a conscious strategy by the People’s House association, in order to be a cultural institution for all inhabitants in Bromölla. The municipal council of Bromölla was even a part of this policy when subsidizing the People’s House association. It was in accordance with the cross class and consensus policy which the social democratic movement by this time was an exponent of. The People’s House in Bromölla was thus an arena not only for the labour movement, but also for the entire society.