Thesis ( M.Dev.) -- University of Limpopo, 2013 / Environmental impacts from a land claim-discarded settlement development are positive, negative and cumulative by nature, within the broad scope of environmental impacts there has been much focus on the physical environment neglecting the socio economic and other political factors of the environment. This study presents from a total environmental perspective the investigation of the environmental impacts of land claim-discarded settlement development in Mamahule ga-Matsaung. Both primary and secondary sources of data were used for the purposes of this study. The study used the non-probability purposive sampling for the entire targeted population. The study used both thick descriptions and qualitative techniques to analyse the collected data. Thick descriptions were used to explain the environmental impacts of various temporal phases as well as processes settlement development and land claim, while quantitative (Leopold matrix and Cost Benefit Analysis) were used to evaluate environmental impacts and economic valuations of the land claim and the settlement development. The study shows that the Environmental Impact Assessment should be conducted prior the development of any settlement to avoid multiple negative environmental impacts on the environment. The study also highlights the impact that land claim has on development activities and the way in which settlement development can delay the process of a land claim. The study arrived to a conclusions that both settlement development and land claim impacted differently on the environment. / National Research Foundation (NRF) Scholarship

PH.D., Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2011 / Through a case study of the relationship between the rural Makuleke community and the regional tourism operator Wilderness Safaris, this thesis examines the impact of tourism partnerships on community development in post-­‐ apartheid South Africa. The study considers the tourism component of the ‘Makuleke model’, a concept used frequently in academic and popular literature to refer to the community’s landmark land restitution case involving the Kruger National Park (KNP). Thirty years after experiencing a forced removal by the apartheid regime, the Makuleke community in 1998 was able to regain their lost land (the Pafuri area of Kruger National Park) and benefit from it through conservation and tourism. The Makuleke have partnered with three tourism operators, their main concessionaire being Wilderness Safaris. Their contractual agreement obliges the tourism company to pay lease fees to the Makuleke Communal Property Association (CPA) and to employ Makuleke residents. To further community development, Wilderness Safaris established a joint venture with the Makuleke CPA, and also runs an environmental education programme for children. Evidence for this thesis was collected over a two and a half year period (from May 2007 to December 2009) using three methodological approaches: archival research, participant observation and semi-­‐structured, open-­‐ended interviews. In analysing the Makuleke CPA-­‐Wilderness Safaris partnership, findings reveal that ten years after the land claim, the commended ‘Makuleke model’ is neither as conceptually coherent nor as practically successful as is commonly supposed. I argue that although the model denotes success, a closer scrutiny of its foundations, assumptions and context expose inherent forces and practices that hinder its long-­‐ term effective implementation. Influenced by post-­‐development theory, I question perceptions of equality in benefit distribution, critique the juxtaposition of traditional with modern values, and examine contestations over power within the Makuleke community. I demonstrate how these features undermine the potential for the genuine transformation and broad-­‐based social upliftment that tourism-­‐led development purposes to achieve at Makuleke. My research findings confirm post-­‐development theoretical propositions that criticise the contradictions in orthodox development procedures and call for a rethinking of the premises upon which approaches to community upliftment through tourism are generally founded.

Students of colonialism know well that the stories we tell have the capacity to make, maintain, or transform our relationships as well as our material futures. As earlier work has shown, Indigenous and settler peoples encountered and apprehended one another through story at first contact and in all subsequent contact moments, reaching right up to present-day mechanisms for negotiating conflicts over rights, resources, sovereignty, and historical injustice. In this dissertation, I explore in depth the role of story as a social practice in Indigenous-state relations, examining a series of key encounters over the last 150 years in which Indigenous peoples challenged and contested the state’s possession of their lands in what would become British Columbia. Informed by archival and community-based research with two Indigenous nations – the Stó:lō and the Haida – this study offers a history of Indigenous tactics in pursuit of the larger objective of decolonization, especially since the 1960s. Each of the four main chapters explores how Indigenous peoples have engaged distinct state-sanctioned mechanisms for addressing the state’s dispossession of their lands. The first chapter examines the dynamics of orality and literacy in a series of Stó:lō petitions from the late nineteenth century, a time when reserves were being reduced in order to accommodate a rapid influx of settlers seeking agricultural lands. Chapter 2 looks at Stó:lō experiences of treaty negotiation in the early twenty-first century, and how they are attempting to re-write the master narrative of Stó:lō -state relations. Chapter 3 focuses on the Haida blockade of logging in the mid-1980s, examining how the Haida acted into being what would become an iconic story of Haida nationhood. Finally, chapter 5 explores story and belief through a close study of the narrative dynamics of Haida participation in the Joint Review of the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project between 2012-2014. In each of these encounters, Stó:lō and Haida people exceed the limited narrative spaces they are assigned for communicating who they are and how they relate to their territories and to the state, while attempting to shift the established narrative. Recent scholarship on Indigenous-state relations has focused on how liberal settler states continue to exclude Indigenous peoples even through their gestures at including them into the body politic. While such work on the state is critical, I suggest that it is equally important to understand Indigenous peoples’ demonstrated capacity for collective cultural endurance, and how it exists in tension with the forces acting to assimilate and subsume Indigenous difference within the normative structures of settler society. This study attempts to grasp the nature of this endurance, and demonstrates how narrative is as central to Indigenous peoples’ repossessions of their land as it was to the state’s original dispossession of it. / Graduate / 2018-08-08

Cedar, represented by Western redcedar (Thuja plicata) and Yellow Cedar (Chamaecyparis nootkatensis) was known as the “Tree of Life” to the Nuu-chah-nulth on Vancouver Island’s west coast, and most other groups of the Pacific Northwest. This thesis investigates the Culturally Modified Trees (CMTs), or more specifically Tapered Bark Strips (TBS), created through the extraction of cedar bark removed for all manner of material goods. CMTs are now the most common archaeological site type within British Columbia. Current regional chronologies have inherent biases that make interpretations difficult. The chronologies created through Archaeological Impact Assessments (AIAs) are weighted heavily to the contact period and the highest frequency of use corresponds with indigenous population collapse rather than peak. Investigations are made into the true distribution of existing CMT features. This thesis details the survey of 16 recent old growth cedar clearcuts which found extensive unrecorded CMT features that have recently been logged throughout the southern Nuu-chah-nulth study region. Half of all TBS scars in exposed stumps were found embedded within healed trees, otherwise invisible to archaeologists. Comparing all AIA report dates (surveyed prior to logging activity) with all post-impact assessments surveys it was found the latter contain a greater and older distribution of scarring events corresponding to high First Nations populations before the contact period. The study also compares CMT chronologies with local histories, investigates the antiquity of Northwest Coast CMTs and the indigenous management of cedar trees to maximize bark harvests. The findings of this research hint at the expanded extent of anthropogenic forests in the Northwest Coast, the inadequate recording and heritage protections of CMTs, and what it all means for Aboriginal Land Rights in British Columbia. / Graduate / 0324 0740 0329 / kinze.earnshaw@gmail.com

Cette thèse cherche à rendre compte des réponses que les Aborigènes Noongars du sud-ouest de l’Australie Occidentale déploient face aux discours sur la « tradition » et la « modernité » qui sont construits au sein des institutions et par les acteurs de l’État avec lesquels ils interagissent et auxquels ils sont tour à tour confrontés. L’étude de ces discours, des conditions de leur production et de leurs effets permet d’envisager les concepts de « tradition » et de « modernité » comme des moyens d’action et des techniques sociales mobilisés pour éliminer la différence culturelle dans la mise en œuvre d’un « devenir commun ».L’État australien produit ses propres définitions antagonistes de la « tradition » et de la « modernité », catégories pensées comme étant mutuellement exclusives. Dans certains contextes, il est attendu des Noongars d’être « traditionnels », alors que dans d’autres ils doivent se montrer « modernes ». Les Noongars se trouvent ainsi pris dans une contradiction : ils tendent vers la « modernité » pour rester « traditionnels » et, inversement, ils sont maintenus dans leurs « traditions » lorsqu’ils doivent faire preuve de « modernité ». Dans leurs diverses tentatives de s’intégrer à la nation australienne tout en conservant leurs spécificités, les Noongars redéfinissent leur « identité culturelle ». Pour cela, ils s’approprient, contestent et négocient l’image de l’Aboriginalité qui leur est présentée et se façonnent une identité contemporaine propre, sans pour autant s’opposer radicalement au mythe national de l’Aboriginalité.En analysant les divers processus par lesquels les Aborigènes Noongars revendiquent leur reconnaissance et tentent d’acquérir un degré de souveraineté au sein d’un État-nation, cette thèse enrichit les réflexions sur l’autochtonie en tant que catégorie politique et contingente. Il s’agit d’aborder les questions autochtones comme des réalités discursives devant être analysées dans les contextes ethnographiques particuliers où elles sont produites et articulées. / This thesis seeks to account for the responses that the Noongar Aborigines from the South West of Western Australia display to the discourses of "tradition" and "modernity" that are built within institutions and by state actors, with whom they interact and to which they are in turn confronted. The study of these discourses, the conditions of their production and their effects makes it possible to consider the concepts of “tradition” and “modernity” as means of action and social techniques mobilised to eliminate cultural difference in the implementation of a “common becoming”.The Australian state produces its own antagonistic definitions of “tradition” and “modernity”, categories thought to be mutually exclusive. In some contexts, Noongars are expected to be “traditional”, while in others they must be “modern”. The Noongars are thus caught in a contradiction: they tend towards “modernity” to remain “traditional” and, conversely, they are kept in their “traditions” when they have to show “modernity”. In their various attempts to integrate into the Australian nation, while retaining their specificities, the Noongars are redefining their “cultural identity”. For this, they appropriate, challenge, negotiate the image of the Aboriginality presented to them and shape their own contemporary identity, without radically opposing the national myth of Aboriginality.By analysing the various processes by which the Noongar Aborigines claim their recognition and attempt to acquire a degree of sovereignty within a nation-state, this thesis enriches reflections on Indigeneity as a political and contingent category. It is about addressing indigenous issues as discursive realities that need to be analysed in the particular ethnographic contexts in which they are produced and articulated.

No description available.

This dissertation compares and contrasts aboriginal language planning within Canada at both the national and local scale. In 2005, the Aboriginal Languages Task Force released their foundational report which entailed “a national strategy to preserve, revitalize, and promote [Aboriginal] languages and cultures” (2005:1); however, discrepancies exist between their proposed strategies and the strategies employed locally by the Taku River Tlingit First Nation, located in Atlin, British Columbia, and the Loon River Cree First Nation, located in Loon Lake, Alberta. Using data collected during ethnographic fieldwork with each First Nation between 2005 and 2008, I provide a rationale for these discrepancies and propose reasons why the national strategy has, as of 2008, been unsuccessful. Both national and local strategies have focused on the relationship between land and language and its role in language planning. National language planning rhetoric has also utilized the concept of nationhood. However, both the Taku River Tlingit and the Loon River Cree use the concept of nationhood in conjunction with assertions of sovereignty over land and, therefore, situate their language planning within land planning. Throughout my research, I have been involved in volunteer language projects for each of the communities. These have included creating a Tlingit language board game entitled “Haa shagóon ítxh yaa ntoo.aat” (Traveling Our Ancestors’ Paths) and Cree language storybooks entitled Na mokatch nika poni âchimon (I will never quit telling stories). Both of these projects connect land use and language use and can be seen as part of local language planning strategies. Finally, the Aboriginal Languages Task Force uses the concept of “language as a right” within their national language planning strategies; however, the Taku River Tlingit and the Loon River Cree have instead utilized a “language as resource” ideology (Ruiz, 1984). I argue that the Taku River Tlingit First Nation and the Loon River Cree First Nation use “language as a resource” rhetoric due to their ideologies of land stewardship over Euro-Canadian models of land ownership and I argue that language planning can not stand on its own – separated from the historical, political, economic, social, and cultural considerations that a community faces.

My interest in this research was to interview leaders and members of the three communities within the Elias Motsoaledi Local Municipality as well as officials of the Regional Land Claims Commission (RLCC). The purpose of the discussions was to find out how the communities involved Government when lodging land claims. The three communities are, Bakwena Ba- Kopa, Bakgaga Ba-Kopa and Masakaneng. The research yielded the following findings: 1. All the three communities followed the correct procedures regarding the relevant legislation and policies when they lodged their land claims. 2. Government played its role through the RLCC by assisting the communities in their endeavor to have their land restored. 3. In the interaction between Government and the communities challenges were encountered that at times led to the delay of the settlements. 4. When the communities keep patient during the land claim processes and Government officials are dedicated to assist the communities, the chance of positive outcomes is maximised. There is evidence that Government made progress to ensure that the affected communities have the dispossessed land restored. However, there is still a lot to be done in addressing the outstanding issues. To handle these matters, as indicated below, co-ordination and interaction between Government and the communities is crucial. One can point out these obstacles by focusing on the three affected communities respectively. Masakaneng: There is a need to tackle the challenge of the concerned group that led to the emergence of another committee in the process. This delays the formal negotiations with the municipality to help facilitate the delivery of the necessary services. Bakwena Ba-Kopa: The role-players missed the time-frames that were targeted for settlement. Government will have to speed up the matter and finalise the settlement, seeing that the beneficiaries have been waiting for many years. Bakgaga Ba-Kopa: Only portion one of RietKloof was restored to the community. The community is eagerly awaiting Government to help facilitate the restoration of the remaining portion. This community also needs to play its part in ensuring that the other sections of the land are restored. It is important that they go back to the drawing board as beneficiaries and tackle the prevailing differences so that they end up with a unanimous stand on this matter. To conclude: It is quite evident that the democratic government post-1994 is committed and prepared to restore the dignity of the black people who were forcibly removed from land they and their ancestors occupied. Government is assisting in this matter by providing all the necessary resources to ensure that land restoration is a success. For Government to succeed, the affected communities must also play their role within the parameters of the relevant legislation. This is what the land Acts expect of all the beneficiaries. / Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011

My interest in this research was to interview leaders and members of the three communities within the Elias Motsoaledi Local Municipality as well as officials of the Regional Land Claims Commission (RLCC). The purpose of the discussions was to find out how the communities involved Government when lodging land claims. The three communities are, Bakwena Ba- Kopa, Bakgaga Ba-Kopa and Masakaneng. The research yielded the following findings: 1. All the three communities followed the correct procedures regarding the relevant legislation and policies when they lodged their land claims. 2. Government played its role through the RLCC by assisting the communities in their endeavor to have their land restored. 3. In the interaction between Government and the communities challenges were encountered that at times led to the delay of the settlements. 4. When the communities keep patient during the land claim processes and Government officials are dedicated to assist the communities, the chance of positive outcomes is maximised. There is evidence that Government made progress to ensure that the affected communities have the dispossessed land restored. However, there is still a lot to be done in addressing the outstanding issues. To handle these matters, as indicated below, co-ordination and interaction between Government and the communities is crucial. One can point out these obstacles by focusing on the three affected communities respectively. Masakaneng: There is a need to tackle the challenge of the concerned group that led to the emergence of another committee in the process. This delays the formal negotiations with the municipality to help facilitate the delivery of the necessary services. Bakwena Ba-Kopa: The role-players missed the time-frames that were targeted for settlement. Government will have to speed up the matter and finalise the settlement, seeing that the beneficiaries have been waiting for many years. Bakgaga Ba-Kopa: Only portion one of RietKloof was restored to the community. The community is eagerly awaiting Government to help facilitate the restoration of the remaining portion. This community also needs to play its part in ensuring that the other sections of the land are restored. It is important that they go back to the drawing board as beneficiaries and tackle the prevailing differences so that they end up with a unanimous stand on this matter. To conclude: It is quite evident that the democratic government post-1994 is committed and prepared to restore the dignity of the black people who were forcibly removed from land they and their ancestors occupied. Government is assisting in this matter by providing all the necessary resources to ensure that land restoration is a success. For Government to succeed, the affected communities must also play their role within the parameters of the relevant legislation. This is what the land Acts expect of all the beneficiaries. / Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011

No description available.