It has been 15 years since the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples recognized the Free, Prior and Informed consent Principle, yet it has not been able to function to its fullest potential. This Thesis aims to carry out a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of the following three countries of Australia, Canada, and the United States. With the hypothesis, that the underlying factors behind this failure can be attributed to Settler-Colonialism and Global Capitalism. To carry out this study Theoretical Frameworks based on Settler-Colonial studies and a critique of the Stakeholder theory named Critical Stakeholder Analysis (CSA) will be employed. Using the existing body of research in this area of inquiry as a point of departure, this thesis attributes the failure to implement the Free, Prior, and Informed Consent principle to its fullest potential on asymmetrical power dynamics, settler-colonial structures, and profitability.

Entre 1876 et 1982, en raison de la Loi sur les Indiens et ses clauses assimilatrices et discriminatoires, les Métis sont exclus des politiques indiennes du gouvernement fédéral et ne sont pas reconnus en tant qu’Autochtones. Entre la création du Conseil national des Autochtones du Canada (CNAC) en 1971 et le rapatriement de la constitution du Canada en 1982, de nombreux espaces de reconnaissance des droits et des identités autochtones des Métis et des Indiens sans statut (MISS) émergent au Canada. D’abord par la création des organisations représentatives MISS à travers le pays, ensuite par le financement de recherches historiques et légales dans le cadre des revendications territoriales, et finalement par la reconnaissance des Métis et de leurs droits au sein de la constitution. Dans le cadre de l’ouverture de ces espaces et dans le contexte pressant des revendications territoriales et du rapatriement de la constitution, le CNAC et l’Alliance laurentienne des Métis et des Indiens sans statut (ALMISS) ont mis en valeur différentes définitions et conceptions des droits et des identités MISS au Canada afin de se faire reconnaître par les sphères décisionnelles de l’État. À cet effet, dès 1978, le CNAC valorise une conception ethnonationale du fait métis centrée sur la communauté de la rivière Rouge. Quant à elle, l’ALMISS défend qu’il n’existe rien de tel qu’une Nation Métis au Québec et dans l’Est canadien, mais entend affirmer son appartenance au sein des réalités historiques, culturelles et familiales des Premières Nations. / Between 1876 and 1982, Métis were excluded from federal Indian policy, as they were not recognized as indigenous owing to the discriminatory and assimilationist clauses within the Indian Act. However, numerous spaces emerged for the recognition of the indigenous nature of the rights and identities of Métis and non-status Indians (MNSI) amid the creation of the Native Council of Canada in 1971 and the repatriation of the Canadian constitution in 1982. Among these were the creation of MNSI representative organizations across the country, the funding of historical and legal research for land claims, and lastly, the recognition of Métis rights as an Aboriginal people within the constitution. Within the scope of these spaces and the pressing context of land claims and constitutional repatriation, the NCC and the Laurentian Alliance of Metis and non-status Indians (LAMNSI) highlighted different ideas and definitions on the rights and identities of MNSI people in Canada in order to be recognized by the state. For this reason, the CNAC valued an ethno-national concept of Métis that was centered around the Red River community. Consequently, LAMNSI argued that there was no such thing as a Métis Nation in Quebec or in eastern Canada. Instead, LAMNSI affirmed that its members belonged to the historical, cultural and familial realities of the First Nations.

This study briefly discusses land restitution in several countries in Europe and the Americas, the history of land deprivation in South Africa, and the legislation introduced to remedy the inequality of land ownership. Differing interpretations of the legislation in respect of the valuation of land to be purchased by the state for restitution purposes and the valuation formulae recommended at various times by the state and its advisors are discussed. Some of the problems encountered in the implementation of the South African restitution program, including the highly emotional expropriation/confiscation issues, are mentioned. Three case studies based on these differing interpretations are given. The case studies illustrate the evolution of the interpretations of the legislation concerning land restitution valuations in South Africa. / School: Management sciences / M. Tech. (Real Estate)

Le présent mémoire est consacré à l'étude des chevauchements entre revendications territoriales autochtones. On s'y interroge sur l’origine et l’évolution de ces chevauchements ainsi que sur les mécanismes qui pourraient être employés pour trouver des solutions acceptables pour toutes les parties. Notre étude retrace d'abord l'évolution du critère d’exclusivité élaboré par les politiques et décisions judiciaires canadiennes relativement à l’octroi du titre autochtone, concluant que ce critère d’exclusivité est devenu un enjeu déterminant dans l’élaboration d’une solution relative aux chevauchements entre revendications territoriales. En observant la manière dont les différents paliers de gouvernement ont échoué dans leurs tentatives de solutionner les enjeux de chevauchement, nous constatons que les traditions juridiques autochtones doivent être intégrées à la résolution des conflits et à l’interprétation du critère d’exclusivité. Ceci exige de percevoir l’institution juridique de la résolution de conflits selon une certaine vision du droit. Nous utilisons ici celle de Lon Fuller, qui présente une approche permettant de réconcilier plusieurs traditions juridiques. Notre étude nous conduit à proposer le système du Indigenous Legal Lodge comme mécanisme de résolution de conflit permettant aux autochtones de faire appel à leurs traditions juridiques dans la résolution des chevauchements, permettant ainsi de réconcilier ces traditions diverses. / This thesis is dedicated to the study of overlapping aboriginal land claims. We question the origin and evolution of these overlaps and study the mechanisms which could be used in order to determine a solution acceptable to all parties. Our study first discusses the evolution of the exclusivity criterion developed in Canadian policy and case law relating to the granting of an aboriginal title, concluding that the criterion of exclusivity has become a defining issue in the development of a solution to overlaps between land claims. By observing the failures of the various levels of government in their attempts to develop solutions to overlapping claims, we find that Aboriginal legal traditions must be integrated into conflict resolution and be used when interpreting the exclusivity criterion. This requires us to perceive conflict resolution, as a legal institution, according to a certain understanding of the law. We use Lon Fuller’s vision, who presents an approach for reconciling various legal traditions. Our study brings us to propose the Indigenous Legal Lodge as a conflict resolution mechanism enabling Aboriginal groups to call upon their own legal traditions in resolving overlaps and to reconcile their differing traditions.

Syftet med detta arbete är att, dels ur ett fastighetsrättsligt perspektiv, dels ett folkrättsligt perspektiv, utreda om Sveriges urbefolkning samerna kan sägas ha förvärvat en äganderätt till marken i Lappland enligt svensk rätt, eller om detta enbart handlar om en bruksrätt inkluderande renskötsel, jakt och fiske. Vad gäller det fastighetsrättsliga perspektivet har samerna haft en mycket stark fastighetsrättslig ställning på 1600- och 1700-talet. Då behandlades samernas lappskatteland som sådan skattejord, som skattebönderna sedermera genom lagstiftning automatiskt förvärvade full äganderätt till. Så skedde dock inte för samernas del. I stället trängdes de undan från stora delar av sina ursprungliga marker på grund av bl.a. kolonisation, exploateringsintressen, samt nedvärdering av nomadkulturen. Från att ha varit i stor majoritet blev de en minoritet på sina gamla marker. Dessa marker har sedermera kommit att betraktas som kronojord i statens ägo, vilket innebär en stor förskjutning av samernas fastighetsrättliga ställning inom loppet av fyra sekler. Gällande rätt garanterar inte samer som är medlemmar av en sameby någon starkare rätt än en bruksrätt, som till vissa delar är svagare än vad som gäller för andra bruksrättsinnehavare i Sverige. Praxis utesluter emellertid inte att renskötselrätten kan ha gett upphov till äganderätt, särskilt i nordligaste Sverige. Att samerna haft svårt att hävda sin äganderätt kan bero på att rättssystemet inte har haft en egentlig förståelse för rennäringens speciella förutsättningar, vilket gör att exempelvis beviskraven blir höga att nå upp till. Min slutsats är dock att övertygande bevis finns för att samerna har förvärvat en äganderätt, åtminstone till statlig kronomark i Lappland, oavsett om lagstiftningen för närvarande tillerkänner dem detta eller ej. Vad gäller vinterbetesmarker i Lappland föreligger inte lika starka bevis för att en äganderätt skulle ha uppstått, men däremot en bruksrätt som är starkare än dagens lagstiftning tillerkänner samerna. Vad gäller det folkrättsliga perspektivet ger de konventioner Sverige ingått inte uttryckligen stöd för att samernas markrättigheter skall erkännas, och svensk lagstiftning får sägas uppfylla de minimikrav de ställer. Sverige har dock fått internationell kritik för att inte ha funnit en lösning på och förbättrat rättssäkerheten angående samiska markrättigheter. Inte heller har Sverige ratificerat ILO-konvention nr. 169 om ursprungsfolk och stamfolk i självstyrande länder. Anledningen är just att bestämmelser som reglerar markrättigheter inte har ansetts förenliga med svenska rättsförhållanden. Man kan dock hoppas på att Sverige framöver kommer att ta intryck av den internationella utvecklingen vad gäller erkännande av urbefolkningars markanspråk. / The aim of this thesis is to examine whether the Sami people, who is an indigenous people living in the north of Sweden, could have acquired ownership of land areas in Lapland according to Swedish law, or whether they only have a right to use the land that they traditionally occupy for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing. The question is dealt with from a land law as well as an international law approach. Concerning the land law approach, the Sami people has had a very strong position close to ownership during the 17th and 18th centuries. At that time, the Samis paid tax for their lands, which meant that they were not considered to belong to the Crown, but were treated in the same way as the independent farmers’ lands. However, while the farmers through a declaration from the King in 1789 automatically achieved full ownership of their lands, the Sami people did not. Instead, the Samis were pressed back from large parts of their original territory because of colonisation, exploitation and depreciation of their nomadic way of living. Once a majority, they found themselves a minority in their own land and their territory had become the Crown’s property. Undoubtedly, there has been an extraordinary shifting of the Sami people’s land rights within four centuries. Current law does only guarantee the members of the Sami villages the right to use land for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing, and this right is in some aspects even weaker than that of other Swedish citizens with similar rights. Still, case law does not exclude the possibility that reindeer breeding could have originated right of ownership, especially in Lapland. My findings on this area are that there is convincing evidence that the Sami people has acquired right of ownership on the lands which they traditionally occupy all year around. On the lands that they share with others, they have a strong right to use the land during the winter, probably stronger than the legislation provides for. What concerns the international law approach, Swedish legislation does fulfil the minimum demands according to the conventions the country has ratified. Still, Sweden has been criticized of not finding a balanced solution to and improving legal certainty on Sami land rights. Sweden has not ratified the ILO Convention no. 169 con-cerning indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries. The reason for this is mainly the article which aims at strengthening the indigenous peoples’ land rights, which Sweden does not find compatible with national law. Still, one can hope that the ongoing international development on the area will show the way, and that Sweden will pay attention to it in future legislation.

<p>Syftet med detta arbete är att, dels ur ett fastighetsrättsligt perspektiv, dels ett folkrättsligt perspektiv, utreda om Sveriges urbefolkning samerna kan sägas ha förvärvat en äganderätt till marken i Lappland enligt svensk rätt, eller om detta enbart handlar om en bruksrätt inkluderande renskötsel, jakt och fiske.</p><p>Vad gäller det fastighetsrättsliga perspektivet har samerna haft en mycket stark fastighetsrättslig ställning på 1600- och 1700-talet. Då behandlades samernas lappskatteland som sådan skattejord, som skattebönderna sedermera genom lagstiftning automatiskt förvärvade full äganderätt till. Så skedde dock inte för samernas del. I stället trängdes de undan från stora delar av sina ursprungliga marker på grund av bl.a. kolonisation, exploateringsintressen, samt nedvärdering av nomadkulturen. Från att ha varit i stor majoritet blev de en minoritet på sina gamla marker. Dessa marker har sedermera kommit att betraktas som kronojord i statens ägo, vilket innebär en stor förskjutning av samernas fastighetsrättliga ställning inom loppet av fyra sekler.</p><p>Gällande rätt garanterar inte samer som är medlemmar av en sameby någon starkare rätt än en bruksrätt, som till vissa delar är svagare än vad som gäller för andra bruksrättsinnehavare i Sverige. Praxis utesluter emellertid inte att renskötselrätten kan ha gett upphov till äganderätt, särskilt i nordligaste Sverige. Att samerna haft svårt att hävda sin äganderätt kan bero på att rättssystemet inte har haft en egentlig förståelse för rennäringens speciella förutsättningar, vilket gör att exempelvis beviskraven blir höga att nå upp till. Min slutsats är dock att övertygande bevis finns för att samerna har förvärvat en äganderätt, åtminstone till statlig kronomark i Lappland, oavsett om lagstiftningen för närvarande tillerkänner dem detta eller ej. Vad gäller vinterbetesmarker i Lappland föreligger inte lika starka bevis för att en äganderätt skulle ha uppstått, men däremot en bruksrätt som är starkare än dagens lagstiftning tillerkänner samerna.</p><p>Vad gäller det folkrättsliga perspektivet ger de konventioner Sverige ingått inte uttryckligen stöd för att samernas markrättigheter skall erkännas, och svensk lagstiftning får sägas uppfylla de minimikrav de ställer. Sverige har dock fått internationell kritik för att inte ha funnit en lösning på och förbättrat rättssäkerheten angående samiska markrättigheter. Inte heller har Sverige ratificerat ILO-konvention nr. 169 om ursprungsfolk och stamfolk i självstyrande länder. Anledningen är just att bestämmelser som reglerar markrättigheter inte har ansetts förenliga med svenska rättsförhållanden. Man kan dock hoppas på att Sverige framöver kommer att ta intryck av den internationella utvecklingen vad gäller erkännande av urbefolkningars markanspråk.</p> / <p>The aim of this thesis is to examine whether the Sami people, who is an indigenous people living in the north of Sweden, could have acquired ownership of land areas in Lapland according to Swedish law, or whether they only have a right to use the land that they traditionally occupy for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing. The question is dealt with from a land law as well as an international law approach.</p><p>Concerning the land law approach, the Sami people has had a very strong position close to ownership during the 17th and 18th centuries. At that time, the Samis paid tax for their lands, which meant that they were not considered to belong to the Crown, but were treated in the same way as the independent farmers’ lands. However, while the farmers through a declaration from the King in 1789 automatically achieved full ownership of their lands, the Sami people did not. Instead, the Samis were pressed back from large parts of their original territory because of colonisation, exploitation and depreciation of their nomadic way of living. Once a majority, they found themselves a minority in their own land and their territory had become the Crown’s property. Undoubtedly, there has been an extraordinary shifting of the Sami people’s land rights within four centuries.</p><p>Current law does only guarantee the members of the Sami villages the right to use land for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing, and this right is in some aspects even weaker than that of other Swedish citizens with similar rights. Still, case law does not exclude the possibility that reindeer breeding could have originated right of ownership, especially in Lapland. My findings on this area are that there is convincing evidence that the Sami people has acquired right of ownership on the lands which they traditionally occupy all year around. On the lands that they share with others, they have a strong right to use the land during the winter, probably stronger than the legislation provides for.</p><p>What concerns the international law approach, Swedish legislation does fulfil the minimum demands according to the conventions the country has ratified. Still, Sweden has been criticized of not finding a balanced solution to and improving legal certainty on Sami land rights. Sweden has not ratified the ILO Convention no. 169 con-cerning indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries. The reason for this is mainly the article which aims at strengthening the indigenous peoples’ land rights, which Sweden does not find compatible with national law. Still, one can hope that the ongoing international development on the area will show the way, and that Sweden will pay attention to it in future legislation.</p>

This study briefly discusses land restitution in several countries in Europe and the Americas, the history of land deprivation in South Africa, and the legislation introduced to remedy the inequality of land ownership. Differing interpretations of the legislation in respect of the valuation of land to be purchased by the state for restitution purposes and the valuation formulae recommended at various times by the state and its advisors are discussed. Some of the problems encountered in the implementation of the South African restitution program, including the highly emotional expropriation/confiscation issues, are mentioned. Three case studies based on these differing interpretations are given. The case studies illustrate the evolution of the interpretations of the legislation concerning land restitution valuations in South Africa. / School: Management sciences / M. Tech. (Real Estate)

This Inuvialuit ‘story’ revolves around the Inuvialuit uprising and resurgence against government and industrial encroachment, and the self determination efforts to regain sovereignty of traditional territories. This ‘story’ also discusses how meaningful consultation made the Inuvialuit Final Agreement a reality, through which Inuvialuit land rights and freedoms were formally acknowledged and entrenched in the Canadian Constitution. Through meaningful consultation, Inuvialuit have become ‘meaningful participants’ in sustainable and future-making decisions of Inuvialuit nunangat (Inuvialuit lands) and waters, with respect to the Inuvialuit People and natural beings that Inuvialuit depend upon and maintain relationship with. As ‘meaningful participants’, Inuvialuit have the sovereign rights to “make meaning” and carve out a future as a sovereign nation within the country of Canada. This Inuvialuit ‘story’ is told with an informal framework through which it decolonizes academia, while also highlighting Indigenous voice through an Indigenous lens and worldview. The government and industry are called upon to meaningfully consult with Indigenous Peoples who have not only inhabited Turtle Island for millennia, but who have inherent Indigenous rights and freedoms, as Indigenous embodiment and well-being, and temporality and future-making are entangled with homelands. / Graduate

No description available.

This thesis examines Tse Keh Nay (Sekani) ethnic identity over three periods of Aboriginal-European relations: the fur trade period, the missionary period, and the treaty and reserve period. It examines the affects these three periods have had on the Tse Keh Nay as an ethnic group in four chapters, the first two dealing with the fur trade and missionary periods, and the last two with the treaty and reserve aspects of the treaty and reserve period. In it I argue that during the first two periods wider Tse Keh Nay ethnic identity was reinforced, while during the latter period local Tse Keh Nay identities were reinforced through government policies that dealt with Tse Keh Nay subgroups on a regional and localized basis. Despite this shift in emphasis, wider Tse Keh Nay ethnic identity has remained, proving that Tse Keh Nay ethnic identity is both situational and dynamic. / History