Cette étude s’occupe des conflits de loyauté entre des évêques et rois en Gaule post-romaine. L’objectif principal de ce travail sont vingt études de cas (= « Teil II »), ayant pour but d’analyser des situations conflictuelles pendant les années entre 466 et 614 (ainsi couvrant les périodes wisigotique et mérovingienne). Les résultats de ces études de cas sont résumés et évalués dans la troisième partie de la thèse présente (« Teil III »). Contrairement à la recherche antérieure sur l’épiscopat tardo-antique et haut-médiéval, l’approche adoptée ici mit en exergue des situations dans lesquelles le pouvoir épiscopal a été challengé et – à l’occasion – rompu. D’un côté, l’examen les constellations spécifiques politiques et sociales qui engendraient les conflits étudiés s’est révélé particulièrement instructive (« Teil III », chapitre 1). De l’autre côté, l’analyse comparative de la manière dont les contemporains ont géré des situations de ce genre (il s’agissait toutefois des phénomènes assez fréquents) promet des perspectives nouvelles quant à la relation entre des rois et leur épiscopat (« Teil III », chapitre 1). / The present study focuses on loyalty conflicts between bishops and kings in post-roman Gaul. The main focus is on twenty case studies (= “Teil II”), aiming to analyze specific conflict situations during the years between 466 and 614 (hence covering the Visigothic and early Merovingian periods). The results of these case studies are summarized and evaluated in the third part (= “Teil III”) of this study. In contrast to previous research on the late antique and early medieval episcopate dealing with different aspects of episcopal authority, the adopted approach consciously looks at situations where episcopal power was challenged and sometimes broken. On the one hand, the question of what kind of political and social constellations did bring about the studied conflicts proved to be instructive (“Teil III”, chapter 1). On the other hand, looking at the way how contemporaries dealt with these situations (that were, after all, quite common phenomena) promises instructive insights into the relation between kings and their episcopate (III, 2).

Um estudo historiográfico das Historiae abbreuiatae de Aurélio Vítor. Nisto consiste o presente trabalho, que procura determinar de que modo o referido historiador, no ocaso do reinado de Constâncio II, compôs uma narrativa dedicada à história do Império romano em sua totalidade. Para tanto, em primeiro lugar buscamos definir a natureza da obra. Em que pese os nítidos elementos biográficos que a integram, assim como a brevidade do texto, a obra de Aurélio Vítor deve ser pensada enquanto uma história, na medida em que o objetivo do autor se voltava para a exposição das causas que teriam condicionado o curso dos acontecimentos, da batalha de Ácio até o penúltimo ano do governo de Constâncio II. Desta forma, em um segundo momento, analisamos as estratégias de periodização e as concepções que Aurélio Vítor adotou a fim de contemplar a história imperial. As ações e o caráter moral dos sucessivos imperadores emergem nas Historiae abbreuiatae como o motor a partir do qual se movimentava a história da era imperial romana. Isto implicava, pois, o reconhecimento das oscilações que o mundo romano teria vivenciado ao longo de quase quatro séculos e as contradições que animavam a conduta das personagens históricas. Do que resultava, igualmente, na impossibilidade de se identificar um modelo ideal de imperador, em razão dos fatores e das circunstâncias distintas que marcariam o desenrolar da história do Império romano, como narrada por Aurélio Vítor. / A historiographical study of Aurelius Victors Historiae abbreuiatae. That is what defines the present work, which tries to ascertain how the aforementioned historian settled up a narrative about the history of the Roman Empire in the twilight of the reign of Constantius II. Therefore, we discuss at first the nature of the work. Despite the clear biographical trend we can observe in the text, as well as the brevity that characterizes it, the work of Aurelius Victor should be seen as a historical narrative since the author aimed to expose both the causes and the course of Roman imperial history, from the Battle of Actium to the last but one year of Constantius IIs reign. Thereupon we examine the strategies of periodization and the perspectives defined by Aurelius Victor in order to compose his text. In the Historiae abbreuiatae, the conduct showed by the emperors and their moral character represented the driving force of the narrative. That led the author to emphasize the ups and downs of Roman past in almost four hundred years of history. In this sense, Aurelius Victor did not lose track of some contradictions that encourage historical figures into action. That resulted in Aurelius Victors failure to identify an idealized model of Roman emperor due to distinct elements and circunstances that he himself pointed out in the course of the history of the Roman Empire.

Around the time of his famous conversion in 386, Augustine planned to dedicate a treatise to each of the artes liberales. However, he finished only a work on grammar and the first part of the De musica (books I-VI), which deals with rhythmus\the second part, which was to treat melos, was never written, since Augustine became occupied with his ecclesiastical career. The present work is the first critical edition of the sixth book of the De musica; the Latin text is accompanied by an English translation. The introduction includes a full analysis of the manuscript tradition from the 8th to the 14th century and a selective analysis of the later manuscript tradition. Among the conclusions reached are that all extant manuscripts descend from a single archetype which is not identical with the original text, that most manuscripts can be divided into four families, and that the text can be established on the basis of six of the oldest manuscripts. The introduction also contains a discussion of the much-debated question concerning Augustine's own revision of the sixth book, a section where solutions are proposed to several textual problems that were confronted during the establishment of the text, and a selective commentary on the contents of the sixth book of the De musica.

Um estudo historiográfico das Historiae abbreuiatae de Aurélio Vítor. Nisto consiste o presente trabalho, que procura determinar de que modo o referido historiador, no ocaso do reinado de Constâncio II, compôs uma narrativa dedicada à história do Império romano em sua totalidade. Para tanto, em primeiro lugar buscamos definir a natureza da obra. Em que pese os nítidos elementos biográficos que a integram, assim como a brevidade do texto, a obra de Aurélio Vítor deve ser pensada enquanto uma história, na medida em que o objetivo do autor se voltava para a exposição das causas que teriam condicionado o curso dos acontecimentos, da batalha de Ácio até o penúltimo ano do governo de Constâncio II. Desta forma, em um segundo momento, analisamos as estratégias de periodização e as concepções que Aurélio Vítor adotou a fim de contemplar a história imperial. As ações e o caráter moral dos sucessivos imperadores emergem nas Historiae abbreuiatae como o motor a partir do qual se movimentava a história da era imperial romana. Isto implicava, pois, o reconhecimento das oscilações que o mundo romano teria vivenciado ao longo de quase quatro séculos e as contradições que animavam a conduta das personagens históricas. Do que resultava, igualmente, na impossibilidade de se identificar um modelo ideal de imperador, em razão dos fatores e das circunstâncias distintas que marcariam o desenrolar da história do Império romano, como narrada por Aurélio Vítor. / A historiographical study of Aurelius Victors Historiae abbreuiatae. That is what defines the present work, which tries to ascertain how the aforementioned historian settled up a narrative about the history of the Roman Empire in the twilight of the reign of Constantius II. Therefore, we discuss at first the nature of the work. Despite the clear biographical trend we can observe in the text, as well as the brevity that characterizes it, the work of Aurelius Victor should be seen as a historical narrative since the author aimed to expose both the causes and the course of Roman imperial history, from the Battle of Actium to the last but one year of Constantius IIs reign. Thereupon we examine the strategies of periodization and the perspectives defined by Aurelius Victor in order to compose his text. In the Historiae abbreuiatae, the conduct showed by the emperors and their moral character represented the driving force of the narrative. That led the author to emphasize the ups and downs of Roman past in almost four hundred years of history. In this sense, Aurelius Victor did not lose track of some contradictions that encourage historical figures into action. That resulted in Aurelius Victors failure to identify an idealized model of Roman emperor due to distinct elements and circunstances that he himself pointed out in the course of the history of the Roman Empire.

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This thesis investigates representations of dynastic legitimacy and imperial power in the later Roman Empire (AD 284-337). It explores the continuity and change in expressions of dynastic legitimacy by, for and about the emperors of this period, which were presented in coinage, panegyrics, and other literary and material evidence. I argue that familial relationships were used throughout this period to make legitimation claims or to counter claims made by rivals, rejecting the notion of clear breaks between the third century, the Tetrarchy and the reign of Constantine. The Tetrarchy’s creation of familial links through adoption and marriage led to a web of inter-familial relationships that they and later emperors used in promoting their own claims to imperial legitimacy. At the same time, the presentation of these imperial colleges as harmonious co-rulership relied heavily on the adaptation of pre-existing strategies, which in turn would be adapted by the emperors of the early fourth century. This thesis proceeds roughly chronologically, focusing on the regimes of individual emperors and their collaborators when possible. Chapter 1 examines the creation of the Tetrarchy as an extended ‘family’ and the adaptation of ideologies of third-century co-rulership. Chapter 2 explores the changes in the Second Tetrarchy, with an especial focus on the ‘Iovian’ family of Galerius and Maximinus Daza. Chapter 3 looks at Maxentius’ claims to both ‘retrospective’ and ‘prospective’ dynastic legitimacy. Chapter 4 examines Licinius’ legitimacy both as a co-ruler and brother-in-law of Constantine, and as the beginning of a new ‘Iovian’ dynasty. Chapter 5 delves deeper into the different claims to dynastic legitimacy made by Constantine over the course of his thirty-year reign. Taken together, these chapters offer a new approach by arguing against the dichotomy between ‘dynasty’ and ‘collegiality’ that tends to dominate scholarship of this period. Instead they focus on the similarities and continuities between the representations of imperial families and imperial colleges in order to understand how perceptions of dynastic legitimacy evolved in the third and fourth centuries.

As a writer of medical summaries and compendia, Oribasius has often been dismissed as a harbinger of late antique medical decline. This dissertation challenges this long-lived assumption by revaluating the compiler and his writings, and the place of medicine in the cultural and social landscape of late antiquity. Chapter one examines the scholarly biases that surround Oribasius’ career, positing that his Medical Collections were produced in response to the intellectual priorities of the Emperor Julian’s scholarly circle. Moreover, both the medical art and the physician were highly regarded in the fourth century, as chapter two demonstrates. Not only do the Collections reflect the priorities and order of empire, but the idea of the medical encounter granted both emperor and bishop a symbolic language with which to pose and articulate social questions in this period. Chapters three and four outline the ways Oribasius engaged with the medical realities of his day, by retaining in his compilation a sense of personal experience and patient interaction. In his borrowed case histories, female subservience in the face of medical authority is expected; whilst the hierarchy of the elite household is shown to dictate his approach to the patients within it. A messier reality of female agency in their own physical and spiritual care is better captured by Christian writers in the miracle account and sermon, in part because Christians like the Cappadocians and John Chrysostom imbued female choice with new theological meaning. Chapter five sets Oribasius’ approach to the female patient in the broader context of late antique social shifts. The compiler’s careful delineation of responsibility and blame in dealings with vulnerable pubertal and pregnant women reflect an attempt to reaffirm an unwritten social contract with the elite and the paterfamilias; a social priority which is also apparent in the legal compendia of the period. Christian writers, meanwhile, drew metaphorically upon medical discourses of generativity and patrimony to distinguish Christian society from the classical past, as chapter six demonstrates. In the final analysis, Oribasius’ Collections are shown to be intimately and variously in dialogue with the society that produced them, reflecting both the high standing of the art in late antiquity, and its symbolic role in defence of the social world, patriarchy and empire. Christian interactions with medicine are shown to reflect many of these same priorities, and to engage with medical norms in more pervasive ways than has often been noted. But it is only in the Christian text that the medical writers’ woman transcends the determinisms of her traditional generativity and physical inferiority, so central to the writings of Oribasius and his classical predecessors.

MAREK DOSPĚL Bīr Shawīsh, Small Oasis: Ostraka and Other Inscribed Material ABSTRACT The present dissertation is primarily a publication of a group of primary sources. These sources come from the recent archaeological exploration by Charles University in Prague of the site of Bīr Shawīsh in the Baḥrīya Oasis ("Small Oasis" in Classical Antiquity) in Egypt's Western Desert and consist of inscribed material written in Hellenistic Greek or koinē. Their majority belongs in the family of documentary texts, while a smaller group consists of informal inscriptions. Both texts and inscriptions are written or incised on fired potter's clay supports and can be dated to around 400 CE. The core of this dissertation consists of an annotated edition of these texts and inscriptions (Chapter 3), immediately followed by a synthetic and interpretative Chapter 4 in which the cardinal issues inherent to the published material are treated in detail. An important part of the edition are the analytical indices and appendices. Chapter 1 serves as a general introduction to the work; Chapter 2 presents the historical and archaeological context of the edited inscribed material. The dissertation ends with Reference Bibliography and Plates of individual text-bearing artifacts. This work is the first comprehensive treatment of a group of...

La Syrie centrale connaît au début de la période byzantine, et en particulier au Ve et au VIe siècle, un fort mouvement d’expansion des sédentaires vers l’est, qui coïncide avec une importante mise en valeur de ces nouveaux territoires. Comme pour d’autres régions de Syrie et du Proche-Orient à la même époque, un optimum climatique – pourtant déclinant – semble avoir permis la conquête et l’exploitation agricole de nouveaux terroirs dans une zone marginale qui n’avait jusqu’alors connu qu’une occupation sédentaire ponctuelle. La Syrie centrale est caractérisée par des milieux aux potentiels agronomiques très différents, souvent imbriqués. Le peuplement et la mise en valeur y sont soumis à la double contrainte de l’aridité climatique et édaphique, qui s’exerce avec une prégnance croissante vers le sud et l’est. Ces conditions, qui s’améliorent localement à la faveur de niches écologiques, ont permis à des politiques de mise en valeur et à des économies distinctes, souvent complémentaires, de voir le jour.Dans une région où les cités paraissent en grande partie absentes, l’économie repose d’abord sur les villages et sur quelques bourgs qui possédaient manifestement une orientation commerciale spécifique. Aux côtés des agglomérations, et souvent d’autant plus nombreux que les conditions d’implantation sont délicates, des fermes et des monastères s’affirment comme des acteurs économiques apparemment indépendants et souvent prospères. Des entités géographiques relativement homogènes ont donné lieu à une répartition des différentes formes de peuplement et à des économies microrégionales spécifiques. Si l’agriculture vivrière reste la règle, il semble bien cependant qu’on observe une spécialisation locale des productions : culture du blé et accessoirement plantations à l’ouest, oléiculture et peut-être viticulture dans les plateaux basaltiques du nord-ouest et vraisemblablement un élevage spéculatif, qu’on doit probablement attribuer à des populations sédentaires, dans les secteurs sud et est. / In Late Antiquity, especially between the 5th and 6th centuries, Central Syria witnessed a strong expansion of sedentary settlements eastward, which coincided with a significant agricultural development of these new territories. As for other areas in Syria and Near-East at the same period, a waning climatic optimum seems to have allowed byzantine population to settle down in marginal areas which barely experienced hitherto sedentary occupation and farm nearly unbroken lands.Central Syria is made up of various landscapes, sometimes deeply nested, with contrasted agricultural potential. Settlements and agricultural exploitation are affected by an increasingly significant climatic and edaphic aridity eastward and southward. These conditions, which may locally improve thanks to ecological niches, enabled specific and often complementary substance strategies to develop.In a country whence cities are virtually absent, villages and a few market towns seem to be at the very root of the regional economy. Along with agglomerations, scattered habitats – namely farmsteads and monasteries –, more numerous under heavy bioclimatic constraints, would appear as independent and apparently prosperous economic players.Homogeneous geographic areas led to specific settlement patterns and different economic orientations. Food-producing agriculture remains the rule, but a local productive specialization may be noticed: mainly wheat production and incidentally plantations westward, olive-growing and maybe wine-growing as well in the north-west basaltic plateaus and presumably speculative livestock exploitation eastward and southward, probably mostly due to sedentary populations.