Porto Alegre foi uma das doze cidades-sedes da Copa do Mundo FIFA 2014. À época da sua candidatura e durante o preparo do evento, muito se divulgou acerca dos prováveis legados que a realização deste megaevento deixaria como retorno à cidade e seus habitantes. Diante disso, passados dois anos do fim da Copa, quisemos avaliar e descrever quais foram os principais impactos que sediar a Copa do Mundo deixou à Porto Alegre e seus (suas) habitantes no âmbito socioeconômico. Para cumprir com tal objetivo, fizemos um estudo de caso com enfoque qualitativo cuja coleta de dados deu-se através de pesquisa documental, entrevistas semiestruturadas, observações e registros de campo. Para compreender como se dá a realização de um megaevento, fizemos um histórico de como os megaeventos surgiram, se desenvolveram e se firmaram partindo de sua base esportiva e de sua base dentro da sociedade capitalista e globalizada. Também refizemos o caminho histórico percorrido pelas cidades em busca da reestruturação urbana – propiciada pelos megaeventos. Ao analisar os dados, elencamos duas categorias relacionadas ao âmbito social (reestruturação urbana e política/legislação) as quais subdividiram-se em: moradia e especulação imobiliária, garantias à FIFA e legislação, mobilidade urbana e segurança e violência. Percebemos que as obras de mobilidade privilegiaram veículos motorizados individuais e interesses de empreiteiras. As remoções realizadas em nome da Copa do Mundo são (ainda) um ponto de resistência de inúmeras famílias e comunidades – as quais não suportam mais a violação ao seu direto de moradia. A polícia comprou inúmeras armas e munições para conseguir proteger a Copa – e não as pessoas. Com relação à legislação, criou-se no Brasil um estado de exceção, sob qual a FIFA e seus interesses foram soberanos. O dinheiro utilizado para as obras da Copa teve sua origem no fundo público, ao contrário do prometido inicialmente. O custo final apresentou uma redução em relação ao custo inicial, porém isso deveu-se apenas à retirada de inúmeras obras (de mobilidade, na maioria) que não ficariam prontas dentro do prazo. Tivemos a FIFA, as grandes empreiteiras, políticos e a iniciativa privada como vencedores da Copa – e o legado à população de Porto Alegre ficou esquecido diante de tantos processos de corrupção e lavagem de dinheiro que os grandes ligados à Copa se envolveram. / Porto Alegre was one of the twelve host cities of the 2014 FIFA World Cup. At the time of its candidacy and during the preparation of the event, much was announced about the probable legacies that the accomplishment of this mega event would leave as a return to the city and its inhabitants. In view of this, two years after the end of the World Cup, we wanted to evaluate and describe the main impacts that hosting the World Cup left to Porto Alegre and its inhabitants in the socioeconomic context. To accomplish this goal, we conducted a case study with a qualitative approach which data collection took place through documentary research, semi-structured interviews, observations and field records. To understand how a mega event takes place, we made a history of how megaevents have emerged, developed and established themselves in sports within the capitalist and globalized society. Also, we make the historic path taken by cities in search of urban restructuring - propitiated by mega-events. In analyzing the data, we have listed two categories related to social scope (urban restructuring and politics / legislation) which were subdivided into: housing and real estate speculation, guarantees to FIFA and legislation, urban mobility and security and violence. It becomes evident that the mobility projects favored individual motor vehicles and the contractors. The removals made in the name of the World Cup are (still) a point of resistance of countless families and communities - which no longer support the violation of their housing right. The police bought numerous weapons and ammunition to protect the World Cup event- not the people. With regard to legislation, a state of exception was created in Brazil, under which FIFA and its interests were sovereign. The money used for the infrastructure works of the Cup had its origin in the public fund, contrary to the one promised initially. The final cost was reduced compared to the initial cost, but this was only due to the withdrawal of numerous infrastructure works (mostly for mobility) that would not be ready on time. We had FIFA, big contractors, politicians and private initiative as winners of the World Cup - and the legacy of the population of Porto Alegre was forgotten in face of so many corruption and money laundering scandals that the big Cup entrants got involved.

The unique potential of sport as a site for the delivery of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has received increasing academic attention in recent years (e.g. Smith & Westerbeek, 2007). However, this literature has been said to have held 'relatively static conceptualisations of CSR through sport' (Dowling, Robinson & Washington, 2013, p. 270), and it could similarly be argued that insufficient attention has been given to the broader social contexts in which it has been delivered. This study therefore aimed to understand more about sport - and the Olympic Games - as a site for the delivery of CSR, using the specific context of private sector sponsor-led CSR schemes based upon the sport and physical activity participation legacy of London 2012. Three separate stages of qualitative data collection were conducted. The first comprised a thematic analysis of macro level policy discourse produced by official Olympic 'legacy actors' in relation to the proclaimed sport and activity legacy of the Games. The second stage also used thematic analysis in order to establish how 20 sponsors rationalised their CSR activity around the Games and how six who organised programmes involving either sport or activity participation justified these. The third stage comprised a series of semi-structured interviews with representatives of three Olympic sponsors and three charity delivery partners who co-operated in the delivery of specific CSR schemes. Once data was organised into themes, data analysis was informed by a governmentality perspective in order to help understand the respective roles of public and private sector organisations in not just the delivery of CSR, but also in 'governing' society in the broadest sense of the term.

Porto Alegre foi uma das doze cidades-sedes da Copa do Mundo FIFA 2014. À época da sua candidatura e durante o preparo do evento, muito se divulgou acerca dos prováveis legados que a realização deste megaevento deixaria como retorno à cidade e seus habitantes. Diante disso, passados dois anos do fim da Copa, quisemos avaliar e descrever quais foram os principais impactos que sediar a Copa do Mundo deixou à Porto Alegre e seus (suas) habitantes no âmbito socioeconômico. Para cumprir com tal objetivo, fizemos um estudo de caso com enfoque qualitativo cuja coleta de dados deu-se através de pesquisa documental, entrevistas semiestruturadas, observações e registros de campo. Para compreender como se dá a realização de um megaevento, fizemos um histórico de como os megaeventos surgiram, se desenvolveram e se firmaram partindo de sua base esportiva e de sua base dentro da sociedade capitalista e globalizada. Também refizemos o caminho histórico percorrido pelas cidades em busca da reestruturação urbana – propiciada pelos megaeventos. Ao analisar os dados, elencamos duas categorias relacionadas ao âmbito social (reestruturação urbana e política/legislação) as quais subdividiram-se em: moradia e especulação imobiliária, garantias à FIFA e legislação, mobilidade urbana e segurança e violência. Percebemos que as obras de mobilidade privilegiaram veículos motorizados individuais e interesses de empreiteiras. As remoções realizadas em nome da Copa do Mundo são (ainda) um ponto de resistência de inúmeras famílias e comunidades – as quais não suportam mais a violação ao seu direto de moradia. A polícia comprou inúmeras armas e munições para conseguir proteger a Copa – e não as pessoas. Com relação à legislação, criou-se no Brasil um estado de exceção, sob qual a FIFA e seus interesses foram soberanos. O dinheiro utilizado para as obras da Copa teve sua origem no fundo público, ao contrário do prometido inicialmente. O custo final apresentou uma redução em relação ao custo inicial, porém isso deveu-se apenas à retirada de inúmeras obras (de mobilidade, na maioria) que não ficariam prontas dentro do prazo. Tivemos a FIFA, as grandes empreiteiras, políticos e a iniciativa privada como vencedores da Copa – e o legado à população de Porto Alegre ficou esquecido diante de tantos processos de corrupção e lavagem de dinheiro que os grandes ligados à Copa se envolveram. / Porto Alegre was one of the twelve host cities of the 2014 FIFA World Cup. At the time of its candidacy and during the preparation of the event, much was announced about the probable legacies that the accomplishment of this mega event would leave as a return to the city and its inhabitants. In view of this, two years after the end of the World Cup, we wanted to evaluate and describe the main impacts that hosting the World Cup left to Porto Alegre and its inhabitants in the socioeconomic context. To accomplish this goal, we conducted a case study with a qualitative approach which data collection took place through documentary research, semi-structured interviews, observations and field records. To understand how a mega event takes place, we made a history of how megaevents have emerged, developed and established themselves in sports within the capitalist and globalized society. Also, we make the historic path taken by cities in search of urban restructuring - propitiated by mega-events. In analyzing the data, we have listed two categories related to social scope (urban restructuring and politics / legislation) which were subdivided into: housing and real estate speculation, guarantees to FIFA and legislation, urban mobility and security and violence. It becomes evident that the mobility projects favored individual motor vehicles and the contractors. The removals made in the name of the World Cup are (still) a point of resistance of countless families and communities - which no longer support the violation of their housing right. The police bought numerous weapons and ammunition to protect the World Cup event- not the people. With regard to legislation, a state of exception was created in Brazil, under which FIFA and its interests were sovereign. The money used for the infrastructure works of the Cup had its origin in the public fund, contrary to the one promised initially. The final cost was reduced compared to the initial cost, but this was only due to the withdrawal of numerous infrastructure works (mostly for mobility) that would not be ready on time. We had FIFA, big contractors, politicians and private initiative as winners of the World Cup - and the legacy of the population of Porto Alegre was forgotten in face of so many corruption and money laundering scandals that the big Cup entrants got involved.

No description available.

Long-term human habitation introduces morphological and chemical changes to soil as a result of cultural, economic, and stewardship practices. These cultural soils, or Anthrosols, are recognized globally. On the Northwest Coast of North America, Indigenous marine and terrestrial land stewardship practices are recognized on present-day landscapes. Increased awareness of these stewardship practices is informed by Indigenous knowledge, ecological legacies, ethnographic studies, and archaeological evidence. This research was undertaken to better understand how lək̓ʷəŋən (Straits Salish) stewardship of a cultural landscape affected the development of soil across a village-garden gradient. On Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Indigenous cultivation of culturally important root foods was interrupted by colonization and its pervasive effects, so an additional research aim was to investigate how cultural soils remain after being disconnected from traditional stewardship. There is a growing global understanding that Indigenous management of ecosystems plays a key role in ecological health. At the regional scale, Songhees First Nation are interested in learning about their soils to inform future restoration efforts and connect youth with their land and culture. The lək̓ʷəŋən Ethnoecology and Archaeology Project (LEAP) is a collaborative research project with the Songhees First Nation to learn more about the physical remains of lək̓ʷəŋən stewardship: soils are a key part of the project. Community knowledge, ethnographic sources, and ecological legacies informed the archaeological excavation and soil sampling in this research. Archaeological excavation was utilized to understand the pedologic and archaeological setting of the site. Soil samples were analyzed for physical and chemical properties to see if a statistical difference between on and off-site samples could be detected. Data from the archaeological excavation were recorded and interpreted. A gradient of influence does exist across the village-garden; the village has a strong physical and chemical signature that can be seen through archaeological excavation, macroscopic remains in the soil, and elevated levels of phosphorous, calcium, and soil pH. Results from the garden are less clear, previous ecological studies and archaeological surveys show evidence of lək̓ʷəŋən stewardship—culturally important plant species and burial cairns are present. However, within the soil, the macroscopic remains and soil chemistry signatures are not as strong as the village which indicates that the health of lək̓ʷəŋən gardens facilitates their continued ecological functioning which ultimately may obscure earlier soil signatures of stewardship. Archaeological investigation alone does not always show the full scope of Indigenous terrestrial management practices. Incorporating present-day community knowledge, ecological legacies of plant cultivation, and utilizing soil chemical data are important to understanding the interconnections between people and their environments across cultural landscapes. Current work on the ecological legacies of plant cultivation can be assisted by investigating the soil as a site that also undergoes co-development with Indigenous stewardship. / Graduate

In order to break the cycle of violence in war-ridden societies, nonviolent mechanisms to deal with conflicts has to be established. One such mechanism is protests, which when performed peacefully can be a powerful tool for political change. Protests can however also be a cause for violence and this thesis sets out to explore why protests turns more violent in some post-war subnational areas compared to others. I suggest that protest violence in part can be explained by the preceding intensity of insurgent violence, as the government puts more efforts into combating insurgent groups and less towards responding to local needs where this violence is perpetuated. Where this occurs, institutional relationships deteriorate, which result in negotiations becoming less likely while violence is viewed as more justified and useful before and during protests. Using the structured focused comparison method, I test this theoretical argument by comparing Cali and Barranquilla, two Colombian cities where left-wing ideologies prevail but where protest violence has differed substantially. The evidence, which has been collected through a document analysis and in-depth interviews conducted during two-months of field work in Colombia, provide modest support for the hypothesis that protest violence was more likely where insurgent violence had been prevalent during the war.

A importância do rio Paraíba do Sul em escala local, regional e nacional mostra-se por diversos indicadores, sendo um exemplo o percentual do Produto Interno Bruto (PIB) nacional que circula na bacia, cerca de 12%. Neste contexto, o Comitê de Integração da Bacia Hidrográfica do Rio Paraíba do Sul (CEIVAP) torna-se uma arena de extrema relevância para diversos setores de usuários dos recursos hídricos, na qual a participação institucionalizada materializa-se, em parte, pela inserção de atores com perfil muito específico, possuidores de recursos pessoais e institucionais, além de grande capacidade de articulação (relacional), necessários, para legitimamente, defender os interesses destes setores. Assim, o CEIVAP, como um espaço participativo e deliberativo, torna-se lugar de atuação dos chamados burocratas de médio escalão (BMEs), públicos e privados, que, através das suas características e dinâmicas relacionais, permeiam a estrutura organizacional do Comitê e do próprio arranjo institucional da Política Nacional de Recursos Hídricos. Desta maneira, o papel desempenhado por esta categoria de ator mostra-se de grande importância, tanto no entendimento da gestão desenvolvida no CEIVAP, assim como, também, do próprio processo de implementação da PNRH. Logo, neste intento, o objetivo do estudo foi de analisar os BMEs a partir da perspectiva teórica relacional da burocracia, verificando sua importância enquanto ator no CEIVAP, mais especificamente na gestão 2013-2017. Para tanto, a tese delineada como um estudo de caso fez uso de métodos característicos das Ciências Sociais Aplicadas, conjugadas a um conjunto de métodos analíticos das diversas atividades dos BMEs. Destarte, verificou-se que ação dos BMEs é influenciada por legados históricos, que lhes conferem poderes de atuação na arena. Além disto, estes atores possuem uma conduta de atuação, norteada por valores e fatores relacionados à arena, e também opções individuais, apresentando, assim, atitudes para com as diversas situações e questões presentes na gestão. A partir disto, elementos institucionais do CEIVAP, combinados à atuação dos BMEs, estabelecem uma dinâmica muito particular ao espaço deliberativo, a qual, por sua vez, exprime-se nas deliberações e na forma como estas são realizadas. Sendo assim, verificou-se e confirmou-se a hipótese da tese quanto à importância desta classe de ator no CEIVAP, o qual, a partir de perfis característicos e uma atuação marcada pela articulação e a utilização de poderes (institucionais original/situacional, posicionais e econômicos), assume um determinado protagonismo, tornando-se uma espécie de referencial na arena. Portanto, comprovando a importância desta classe de ator, a partir da análise no período analisado. / The importance of the Paraíba do Sul river locally, regionally, and nationally is shown by many indicators; one of these examples is the percentage of the Brazilian Gross Domestic Product (GDP) circulating in the river basin, around 12%. Within this context, the Watershed Committee of the Paraíba do Sul River (CEIVAP) is set as an arena of extreme significance for many sectors of water resources users, in which the institutionalized participation is materialized partly by the insertion of actors with a very specific profile, who possess personal and institutional resources, besides great articulation (relational) capacity, which are necessary to legitimately defend theses sectors interests. Thus, CEIVAP, as a participative and deliberative area, is the place of acting for the so-called mid-level bureaucrats (MLBs), public and private ones, who, through their characteristics and relational dynamics, permeate the organization structure of the Committee and of the institutional arrangement of the National Water Resources Policy (PNRH) itself. Therefore, the role played by this actor category is of great significance, both to understand the administration developed in the CEIVAP and to comprehend the process of implementation of the PNRH itself. Thus, with this intention, the studys aim was o analyze MLBs based on the theoretical relational perspective on bureaucracy, verifying their importance as actors at CEIVAP, more specifically in the 2013-2017 administration. For that end, the thesis outlined as a case study used methodologies from Applied Social Sciences, along with a set of analytical methods for the many MLB activities. Therefore, it was verified that MLBs action is influenced by historical legacies, which confer them acting powers on the arena. Besides, these actors posses an acting conduct, guided by values and factors related to the arena, as well as individual options, presenting, thus, attitudes in relation to the various situations and issues present in the administration. Based on that, institutional elements of CEIVAP, combined to the work of MLBs, stablish a very particular dynamics to the deliberative space, which, in its turn, is expressed in deliberations and in the way they are carried out. Given that, the thesis was verified and confirmed regarding the importance of this actor at CEIVAP, who, based on characteristic profiles and on a action characterized by the articulation and use of powers (original/situational institutional, positional, and economic ones), take on a certain leading role, becoming a reference in the arena; thus, confirming the significance of this actor class, based on the analysis of the studied period.

While wildfire is globally most common in the savanna-grassland ecotone, the flammability of coastal temperate rainforests is considered low and little is known regarding historic fire activity. Reconstructing historical fire activity typically requires dendrochronological records from fire-scarred trees and post-fire cohorts, but this type of information is rare in perhumid temperate rainforests, which are dominated by dense fuels with high year-round moisture content. I reconstructed historic fire activity using fire scars, tree rings, soil charcoal, and remote sensing techniques in a 2000 km2 island group located within the Hakai Lúxvbálís Conservancy on the coastal margin of central British Columbia. I broadly assessed 13,000 years of fire activity with charcoal deposited in soils, and reconstructed late Holocene fire events with a 700-year chronology built from living fire-scarred trees and stand establishment data. I used a weight of evidence approach to hypothesize the origins of fires and whether First Nations intentionally utilized fire for resource management. Low-severity fires occurred most frequently in forests surrounding former First Nations habitation sites, and lightning strikes do not occur often enough to explain the observed temporal or spatial patterns of fire activity in the study area. Low-severity fires occurred approximately every 39 years, and were 25 times more likely to occur than previously estimated. Fires influenced the composition and structure of vegetation by creating a mosaic of vegetation types in different stages of succession, and thus increased the abundance of culturally important food plants. Fire events have not occurred in the study area since 1893, which also coincides with the reduction of First Nations activities in their traditional territories. My data are consistent with the hypothesis that humans intentionally used fire to manage resources, though further research and ethnographic data collected elsewhere in the region is required to corroborate these findings. Ecological legacies of historic fires remain visible on the present day landscape, and by reconstructing the historic range of fire cycle variability we gain a better understanding of human-driven fire activity and the abrupt changes that occurred in the 20th century. / Graduate

This thesis deals with colonial legacies in West Africa. The aim is to analyze British and French colonial legacies in West African political systems. Methodology is based on comparative analysis on four levels, namely: international system, state, civil society and political leaders. The first analytical part deals with comparison of British and French colonial rule in West Africa. The second part focuses on colonial legacies in Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire.

No description available.