Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Ma thèse s’articule autour de nombreux cas cliniques d’analysantes femmes et vise à montrer certaines formes de déni de la sexualité féminine au Moyen-Orient. Nous nous sommes proposée d’explorer dans un premier temps et d’exposer les idées et les théories psychanalytiques régnantes en matière de sexualité féminine, tant en Orient qu’en Occident. Dans un deuxième temps, nous exposons les cas cliniques puis, à la lumière de ce que nous avons relevé dans les récits littéraires, les études sociologiques, et la littérature psychanalytique consultée à cet effet, nous tâchons de répondre à la question suivante : Pourquoi ces femmes qui présentent toutes le même profil familial, socioculturel et économique, que nous pouvons considérer comme des femmes (apparemment) modernes, présentent-elles toutes certaines défaillances dès lors qu’il s’agit pour elles d’assumer leur vie (sexuelle) de femme tout court. D’où le titre de notre recherche : Les formes de déni de la sexualité chez la femme au Moyen-Orient. / My thesis is based on numerous clinical reports of women under analysis, and purports to show certain forms of denial for a female sexual life in the Middle East. First, we explore and present current psychoanalytic concepts and theories on the sexual life of women, either in the East or in the West. Second, we study these clinical reports in light of what we have found in literary tales, in sociological research, and in the literature on psychoanalysis, and we try to answer the following question: Why do women, who have the same family, socio-cultural and economic profiles, and who we can can call (apparently) modern, show similar failures in what regards their simple sexual lives? Hence the title of our research is: The categories of denial of sexuality for women in the Middle East.

Orientador: Evelina Dagnino / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T21:26:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_GustavoGomesdaCosta_M.pdf: 1057027 bytes, checksum: f44aeff5dc6aaedda4960449a1b0f29c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O presente trabalho é uma tentativa de entender o movimento homossexual na cidade de São Paulo. A partir dos debates em torno das temáticas dos movimentos sociais, da cidadania e das políticas de identidade, pretende-se analisar os projetos políticos presentes nas percepções das lideranças homossexuais e compreender quais fatores explicam a adesão destas lideranças a determinados projetos. A hipótese principal é a de que certos traços das trajetórias individuais (as filiações a partidos políticos e outros movimentos sociais, as experiências profissionais e de contato com o Estado, o momento de inserção no movimento homossexual entre outros) explicam a adesão delas a determinados projetos políticos. A pesquisa visa colaborar com o debate em torno da questão da construção democrática, das relações entre sociedade civil e Estado e das intricadas relações entre cultura e política neste princípio de século / Abstract: The present work is an attempt to understand the gay and lesbian movement in the city of São Paulo. From the perspective of the debates on social movements, citizenship and identity politics, it intends to analyze the political projects, presents in the perceptions of gay and lesbian leaderships and understand which factors explain the adhesion, of these leaderships, to a given project. The main hypothesis is that certain aspects of individual trajectories (such as affiliations to political parties and social movements, professional experiences, contacts with State agencies, the moment of affiliation to the gay and lesbian movement among others) explain the support of these leaderships to a given project. The research aims to collaborate with the debate on democratic construction, State-civil society relations and the intricate relations between culture and politics in the beginning of the century / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

This dissertation examines the role of scientific and medical disciplines in the construction of homosexuality in Mexico, and how non-normative gender and sexual subjects engaged in political activism, body modifications, and aesthetic production to challenge the pathologizing discourses reinforced by the increasing authority of the biomedical sciences. Chapter 1 examines the role of photography as a medical instrument in the first documented sex-reassignment treatment in the Western Hemisphere performed by Mexican physician and sexologist Rafael Sandoval Camacho in the early 1950s, and how his patient Marta Olmos, Mexico’s first transsexual woman, embraced photojournalism as a medium to document, archive, and validate her identity as a woman. In chapter 2, I examine the popular phenomenon of publishing photographs of erotized trans sex workers known as Mujercitos during the 1970s in Alarma!, Mexico’s most influential crime tabloid magazine, and how these marginalized subjects appropriated biomedical technologies like “sex hormones” intended to regulate gender and sexual deviance to construct bodily identities that challenged the medical and criminological positions on the essentialist natures of gender expression, sexual desire, and the sexed body. Chapter 3 examines the early gay narrative of Luis Zapata and José Rafael Calva that emerged in conjunction to Mexico’s Homosexual Liberation Movement in the late 1970s. My analysis demonstrates how Zapata’s El vampiro de la colonia Roma [Adonis García: A Picaresque Novel] (1979), and Calva’s Utopía gay [Gay Utopia] (1983) present sharp critiques shared by Mexico’s homosexual liberation groups on the growing authority of disciplines like psychiatry, psychoanalysis, and biomedicine in pathologizing homosexuality. Chapter 4 examines the changing understandings of homosexuality, homosexual desire, and the homosexual body during the HIV/AIDS crisis through the work of Julio Galán, Nahum B. Zenil, and art collective Taller Documentación Visual. My analysis presents the role of the HIV virus not as an explicit visual reference but rather as an elusive, spectral, and dangerous entity that is identifiable through the aesthetic and formal composition of the artists’ works, best exemplified by the references to condoms as physical and symbolic devices in the mediation of gay sexual contact and desire. This dissertation demonstrates the critical roles of biomedicine, criminology, sexology, and psychiatry in regulating diverse forms of Mexican homosexualities, while simultaneously functioning as liminal disciplines strategically adopted by homosexual subjects to redefine, shape, and validate their desired bodily, sexual, and subjective identities.

This thesis explores the relationship between ideology generated by advocates of the Women's Liberation Movement and President Kimball's purposes of using Relief Society to strengthen Latter-day Saint (LDS) women. Navigating women through the societal attack on womanhood, President Kimball, and other general Church leaders during his administration (1973-1985), taught LDS women of their privilege and duty to the organization and the importance of generating strength through a sisterhood focused on service. Relief Society programs, procedures, and curriculum were evaluated, adjusted, and reinforced to deepen women's commitment to divinely established roles, to enhance women's doctrinal confidence, and expand the influence of women's leadership. The purpose of this thesis is to show how Relief Society strengthened LDS women's commitment to family and influenced increased cooperative efforts in defending families through Relief Society and priesthood organizations.

This paper is intended to analyze the contributions of Contextual Theology and Contextual theologians to dismantling the South African apartheid system. It is intended to demonstrate that the South African churches failed to effectively politicize and radicalize to confront the government until the advent of Contextual Theology in South Africa. Contextual Theology provided the Christian clergy the theological justification to unite with anti-apartheid organizations. Its very concept of working with the poor and oppressed helped the churches gain favor with the black masses that were mostly Christian. Its borrowing from Marxist philosophy appealed to anti-apartheid organizations. Additionally, Contextual theologians, who were primarily black, began filling prominent leadership roles in their churches and within the ecumenical organizations. They were mainly responsible for radicalizing the churches and the ecumenical organizations. They also filled an important anti-apartheid political leadership vacuum when most political leaders were banned, jailed, or killed.

Mai 1968 en France ouvre la voie à un renouveau du cinéma d'intervention sociale et politique, qui adopte le plus souvent la forme documentaire. Deux ans plus tard, émerge le Mouvement de libération des femmes (MLF), un "nouveau féminisme" qui invite les femmes à lutter contre leur oppression spécifique et pour la libre disposition de leur corps et de leur sexualité. Cette thèse propose d'étudier les rapports qui se nouent entre cinéma, vidéo et féminisme entre 1968 et 1981 en France, sous les angles à la fois historique et esthétique, des pratiques de production/diffusion et des formes filmiques. Comment la caméra a-t-elle été investie pour accompagner et populariser les luttes féministes ? Quel a été l'impact du féminisme dans le champ cinématographique et vidéographique ? Un parcours au cœur d'un corpus filmique riche, protéiforme et méconnu doit permettre de dessiner cette histoire complexe et de montrer que, puissant instrument de contre-pouvoir et d'agitation directe, la caméra s'impose aussi aux femmes comme un moyen d'expression et de créativité privilégié dans leur quête d'identité individuelle et collective. La première partie revient sur l'irruption de la "question des femmes" à l'intérieur du cinéma militant reconfiguré après mai 1968 : l'ouverture d'un front féministe spécifique au sein d'un cinéma orienté principalement vers la lutte des classes se révèle très limitée et parfois conflictuelle. La seconde partie interroge l'apparition d'une pratique féministe autonome des femmes, qui s'orientent vers une démarche politique d'auto-représentation, dans le champ de la vidéo militante. S'emparer de la caméra répond ici à une exigence politique de prise de parole et de réappropriation de leur corps et de leur sexualité par l'image. Au-delà du noyau dur des films d'intervention, la troisième partie interroge les usages et les politiques féministes du cinéma. Elle soumet en particulier le "cinéma des femmes" à l'épreuve du féminisme, au crible de ses théories et de ses pratiques. / May 1968 in France opens the way to a renewal of a cinema of social and political intervention that most often adopts a documentary form. Two years later, the Women's Liberation Movement a "new feminism" emerges and invites women to fight against their own oppression and for a freedom of choice with matters regarding their body and their sexuality. This thesis proposes to study the relations forged between cinema, video and feminism between 1968 and 1981 in France, both historically and aesthetically, in terms of production/distribution practices and film forms. In what ways has the camera been invested with the task of accompanying and popularizing feminist struggles ? What has the impact of feminism been in the field of cinema and video ? A look at a rich, diverse and little known body of films allows us to trace this complex history and to show that, as a powerful anti¬establishment and direct action instrument, the camera imposes itself as a preferred means of expression and creativity in women's search for an individual and collective identity. The first part addresses the sudden development of the "woman question" in a militant cinema that reconfigures itself after May 1968 : the opening of a specific feminist coalition within a cinema that was mostly oriented towards class struggle reveals itself as very limited and sometimes antagonistic. The second part questions the appearance of an autonomous feminist practice by women that takes a political approach to self-representation in the field of video activism. Here, taking hold of the camera is a response to a political need to speak out and to reappropriate their body and their sexuality through the image. Beyond the hard core of militant films, the third part examines the uses and the feminist politics of cinema. In particular, it puts "women's cinema" to the test in terms of feminism in order to closely examine its theories and practices.

In the last forty years, U.S. national and statewide LGBT organizations, in pursuit of "equality" through a limited and focused agenda, have made remarkably swift progress moving that agenda forward. However, their agenda has been frequently criticized as prioritizing the interests of White, middle-class gay men and lesbians and ignoring the needs of other LGBT people. In their shadows have emerged numerous grassroots organizations led by queer people of color, transgender people, and low-income LGBT people. These "queer liberation" groups have often been viewed as the left wing of the GRM, but have not been extensively studied. My research investigated how these grassroots liberation organizations can be understood in relation to the equality movement, and whether they actually comprise a separate movement operating alongside, but in tension with, the mainstream gay rights movement. This research used a qualitative content analysis, grounded in black feminism's framework of intersectionality, queer theory, and social movement theories, to examine eight queer liberation organizations. Data streams included interviews with staff at each organization, organizational videos from each group, and the organizations' mission statements. The study used deductive content analysis, informed by a predetermined categorization matrix drawn from social movement theories, and also featured inductive analysis to expand those categories throughout the analysis. This study's findings indicate that a new social movement - distinct from the mainstream equality organizations - does exist. Using criteria informed by leading social movement theories, findings demonstrate that these organizations cannot be understood as part of the mainstream equality movement but must be considered a separate social movement. This "queer liberation movement" has constituents, goals, strategies, and structures that differ sharply from the mainstream equality organizations. This new movement prioritizes queer people in multiple subordinated identity categories, is concerned with rebuilding institutions and structures, rather than with achieving access to them, and is grounded more in "liberation" or "justice" frameworks than "equality." This new movement does not share the equality organizations' priorities (e.g., marriage) and, instead, pursues a different agenda, include challenging the criminal justice and immigration systems, and strengthening the social safety net. Additionally, the study found that this new movement complicates existing social movement theory. For decades, social movement scholars have documented how the redistributive agenda of the early 20th century class-based social movements has been replaced by the demands for access and recognition put forward by the identity-based movements of the 1960s New Left. While the mainstream equality movement can clearly be characterized as an identity-based social movement, the same is not true of the groups in this study. This queer liberation movement, although centered on identity claims, has goals that are redistributive as well as recognition-based. While the emergence of this distinct social movement is significant on its own, of equal significance is the fact that it represents a new post-structuralist model of social movement. This study presents a "four-domain" framework to explain how this movement exists simultaneously inside and outside of other social movements, as a bridge between them, and as its own movement. Implications for research, practice, and policy in social work and allied fields are presented.

This study concerns the growing women´s independence movement and the professional activity among women in Germany and Austria from 1880 to 1928. Three female novel characters are examples of women who worked at home, chose to become teachers, or, in the beginning of 20th century studied science at the university and worked as scientists. This study aims at finding out if the women in the novels are shown as independent; if both female and male gender norms are represented and what differences there are between the novels. The three novels are Lotti, die Uhrmacherin by Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach and first published in 1880, Mathilde Möhring by Theodor Fontane and published in 1908 and stud. chem. Helene Willfüer by Vicki Baum, published in 1928. The analysis has shown that each one of the three novels expresses social criticism and describes problems the novel figures had because of their female gender. The chosen method for this study is a comparison between the novels and it is based on feminist literature theory. The comparison has shown that three novels have clear similarities and references to the year in which they were published and they discuss actual problems. Further research and analysis is relevant because of the complexity of women´s liberation and their path to equality.

This project analyzes the sexual and gender politics of flight attendants, especially the men who did this work, since the 1930s. It traces how and why the flight attendant corps became the nearly exclusive domain of white women by the 1950s, then considers the various legal battles under the 1964 Civil Rights Act to re-integrate men into the workforce, open up greater opportunities for African-Americans, and liberate women from onerous age and marriage restrictions that cut short their careers. While other scholars have emphasized flight attendants' contributions in battling sexism in the courts, this project is unique in expanding such consideration to homosexuality. Male flight attendants' status as gender pariahs in the workforce (as men performing "women's work")--combined with the fact that many of them were gay--made them objects of "homosexual panic" in the 1950s, both in legal proceedings and in various forms of extra-legal intimidation. A decade later, aspirant flight attendants were participants in some of the first cases brought by men under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Their victories in the courts greatly benefited the gay community, among others, which thereby enjoyed greater freedom to enter a highly visible, public-relationsoriented corporate career. As such, my project helps to recast the legal legacy of the civil rights movement as a three-pronged reform, confronting homophobia as well as racism and sexism. Beyond legal considerations, Manhood Up in the Air also examines how both labor unions and the airlines negotiated a legal environment and public sentiment that largely condoned firing homosexuals, while nonetheless accommodating gay employees. This form of accommodation existed in the 1950s, though much more precariously than in the post-Stonewall decade of the 1970s. Thus, the project records the pre-history to the current reality, in which both corporations (with airlines at the forefront) and labor unions have become core supporters of the contemporary gay rights movement. / text