Universiẗat, Diss.--Regensburg, 2007.

M.Comm. / Belastinginsentiewe is daarop gemik om handel met ander lande te bevorder deur buitelandse beleggers aan te moedig om hul geld in die betrokke land te investeer. Dit dien terselfdertyd as aansporing om in spesifieke besighede te bele of spesifieke bedrywe te beoefen. Die studie het ten doel om belastinginsentiewe in Suid-Afrika te ontleed en dit te vergelyk met die van ander lande. Waar moontlik word aanbevelings gemaak oor hoe en waar daar in Suid-Afrika beter van belastinginsentiewe gebruik gemaak kan word. Daar word spesifieke aandag aan die toepassing van die belastinginsentiewe in die verskillende lande gegee.

In the 14th century the formation and consolidation of the territorial sovereignties of the archbishop-electors of Trier and the dukes of Luxemburg was largely completed. The transformation towards territorial states resulted in the formation of an increasingly clear border between the two territories. However, the simplified representation of complex, partly overlapping border zones in the form of abstracting lines had yet to be developed. The earliest regional maps in the humanistic period of the first half of the 16th century do not show any borders, the first regional map with an indicated partial border marking date from 1555.

No description available.

This thesis is about the organisation, character and change of labour relations in expanding capitalist wool farming in the Cape between 1860 and 1950. It is an attempt to analyse labour in wool farming within a transnational framework, based on an expansion of capital from core to periphery of the capitalist world-economy. Wool farming in peripheries like the Cape was part of capitalist production through the link to primarily the British textile industry. This relationship enabled wool farmers to invest in their farms in sheep, fences and windmills. They thereby became agents of capital expansion in the world-economy, which was a prerequisite for a capitalist expansion. Although wool production in the Cape was initially an imperial division of labour, that relation changed during the twentieth century as Britain’s leading role as textile producer was challenged by other capitalist core countries. Capitalism as a transnational production system, based on commodity chains from periphery to core, became the most crucial structure for wool farmers in the Cape, who could increase their exports. The thesis also shows that the pre-capitalist generational division of labour among black peasants, through which farmers acquired labour, especially shepherds, was both discarded and intensified. Shepherding was intensified along with fencing during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century due to threat from jackals and lack of sufficient water supplies. Those farmers who invested in technology in the form of jackal-proof fences and windmills managed to change production from herding to rotational grazing in camps, which meant that shepherds were replaced by camp walkers, who controlled fences instead of sheep. Those farmers who did not invest were forced to exploit the pre-capitalist relations more intensively and hire shepherds in order to be able to produce and sell wool to textile manufacturers in capitalist core areas. As the young adult males disappeared from farms to the mines, the role of children and youths as shepherds became increasingly important. By the 1940s almost all the shepherds were children or youths, but they were about to be made redundant, as the number of shepherds decreased during the 1930s and 1940s.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patrick Rodrigues Andrade.pdf: 1437637 bytes, checksum: 0adc2dee140d02db386fb1bdf2f53b1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work is structured in two essays on rampant and crisis of capital, and, in the end, some notes as an outline for a critic of underconsumption. The first essay has its central issue the critics elaborated by Rosa Luxemburg to the schemes of social reproduction of Karl Marx, and the interpretation of the author to the meaning of the crisis of capital at the beginning of the 20th century. The first section argues about the theoretical status of the schemes of social reproduction of Marx, the debate surrounding them in the early twentieth century and the analysis undertaken by Rosa Luxemburg in her work The Capital Accumulation (1913). In the second section of this first essay, the analysis focuses on Luxemburg s perspective regarding the crisis of capitalism and her critic of Marx, particularly in terms of a "mismatch" between the schemes of reproduction extended in the second book of Capital and the conception of the capitalist global process of social of the third book. The third section examines some theoretical problems of Luxemburg, presented in earlier sections, under the terms of dialectical logic refined of the notion of "negation of negation", a perspective derived from the Western Marxism, which reaffirms the negative as such. What is questioned is the own conceptual processuality of capital and crisis developed by Karl Marx, a mediation involving the proper relationship between the concept and the non-conceptual. The second essay first discusses the "real abstraction" at the base of the capitalist form of wealth production, which puts dissimilar products in equality and then moves on the sense of the inequality of the same as the distribution rules of surplus-value no longer maintain a direct relationship with the production rules of surplus-value to such an extent that through the transformation of values in prices the value law itself is inverted and the ownership of capital becomes predominant , for how the development of fetishism opens a gap within the capital s profit itself. This essay discusses the commodity fetishism, the fetish of money and finally the capitalist relationship fully reificated in interest-bearing capital, emphasizing, to use a lacanian term, how reality itself has the structure of a fiction. Behind this discussion is the negativity inherent to the capitalist dynamic as a movement of constant resilience and recovery of its contradictions in "higher" levels. The notes, on the end, are limited to comments regarding a current Marxist debate between Michel Husson/Alain Bihr and Francois Chesnais/Louis Gill, however, without great damage, it is possible to extend such considerations, in "old" meaning of "critique of political economy," to the question of the underconsumption within the Marxist tradition, which refers to Rosa Luxemburg (in The Accumulation of Capital), Otto Bauer (in his political testament entitled Between the wars?), Henryk Grossman (in his series of lectures reunited on the volume The law of accumulation and the collapse of the capitalist system), and especially Paul Sweezy (The theory of capitalist development), that marks the end of an intellectual age the "classic tradition" of Marxism / O presente trabalho está estruturado em dois ensaios sobre desmedida e crise do capital, e, ao final, algumas notas como esboço de uma crítica do subconsumismo. O primeiro ensaio tem como assunto central as críticas elaboradas por Rosa Luxemburg aos esquemas de reprodução social de Karl Marx, e a interpretação da autora quanto ao significado das crises do capital no início do séc. XX. A primeira seção discorre a respeito do estatuto teórico dos esquemas de reprodução social de Marx, o debate envolvendo-os no início do século XX e a análise empreendida por Rosa Luxemburg em sua obra A acumulação de Capital (1913). Na segunda seção desse primeiro ensaio, a análise se concentra na perspectiva de Luxemburg a respeito das crises do capitalismo e sua crítica dirigida a Marx, principalmente no que concerne a uma incompatibilidade entre os esquemas de reprodução ampliada do livro segundo de O Capital e a concepção do processo de produção global capitalista do livro terceiro. A terceira seção examina certos problemas teóricos de Luxemburg, apresentados nas seções anteriores, sob o ponto de vista da lógica dialética acrisolada da noção de negação da negação , uma perspectiva oriunda do marxismo ocidental, que reafirma o negativo enquanto tal. O que é posto em questão é a própria processualidade dos conceitos de capital e crise desenvolvidos por Karl Marx, em uma mediação que envolve a própria relação entre o conceito e o não-conceitual. Quanto ao segundo ensaio, discute-se inicialmente a abstração real existente na base da forma capitalista de produção de riqueza, que põe os produtos desiguais em relação de igualdade e, posteriormente, se move no sentido da desigualdade dos iguais de como as regras de distribuição da mais-valia já não guardam relação direta com as regras de produção da mais-valia, a tal ponto que através da transformação dos valores em preços a própria lei do valor se inverte e a propriedade do capital se torna preponderante , para como o desenvolvimento do fetichismo abre uma lacuna no interior do próprio lucro do capital. O ensaio discute o fetichismo da mercadoria, o fetiche do dinheiro e finalmente a relação capitalista plenamente reificada no capital portador de juros, destacando, para usar um termo de Lacan, como a própria realidade tem a estrutura de uma ficção. Por trás dessa discussão está a negatividade inerente à dinâmica do capitalismo enquanto movimento de constante superação e reposição de suas contradições em níveis superiores . As notas se restringem a comentários quanto ao debate marxista atual entre Michel Husson/Alain Bihr e François Chesnais/Louis Gill, todavia, sem grandes prejuízos, é possível estender tais considerações, no velho sentido da crítica da economia política , à questão do subconsumismo no interior da tradição marxista, que remete a Rosa Luxemburg (em sua obra A acumulação de Capital), Otto Bauer (em seu testamento político intitulado Entre duas guerras?), Henryk Grossman (em sua série de palestras reunidas no volume A lei da acumulação e o colapso do sistema capitalista) e especialmente Paul Sweezy (A teoria do desenvolvimento capitalista), sendo que a concepção desse último marca o fim de uma era intelectual a tradição clássica do marxismo

Democracy seems to be in crisis and scholars have started to consider the possibility that “the only game in town” might be rigged. This book theorizes the crisis of democracy from a structural point of view, arguing that liberal representative governments suffer from systemic corruption, a form of political decay that should be understood as the oligarchization of society, and proposes an anti-oligarchic institutional solution based on a radical interpretation of republican constitutional thought. If one agrees that the minimal normative expectation of liberal democracies is that governments should advance the welfare of the majority within constitutional safeguards, increasing income inequality and the relative immiseration of the majority of citizens would be in itself a deviation from good rule, a sign of corruption. As a way to understand how we could revert the current patterns of political corruption, the book provides an in-depth analysis of the institutional, procedural, and normative innovations to protect political liberty proposed by Niccolò Machiavelli, Nicolas de Condorcet, Rosa Luxemburg, and Hannah Arendt. Because their ideas to institutionalize popular power have consistently been misunderstood, instrumentalized, demonized, or neglected, part of what this project wants to accomplish is to offer a serious engagement with their proposals through a plebeian interpretative lens that renders them as part of the same intellectual tradition. In this way, the book assembles a “B side” of constitutional thought composed of the apparent misfits in a tradition that has been dominated by the impulse to suppress conflict instead of harnessing its liberty-producing properties. As a way to effectively deal with systemic corruption and oligarchic domination, the book proposes to follow this plebeian constitutionalism and instituionalize popular collective power. A proposed plebeian branch would be autonomous and aimed not at achieving self-government or direct democracy, but rather at an effort to both judge and censor elites who rule. The plebeian branch would consist of two institutions: a decentralized network of radically inclusive local assemblies, empowered to initiate and veto legislation as well as to exercise periodic constituent power, and a delegate, surveillance office able to enforce decisions and impeach public officials. The establishment of primary assemblies at the local level would not only allow ordinary people to push back against oligarchic domination through the political system but also inaugurate an institutional conception of the people as the many assembled locally: a political collective agent operating as a network of political judgment in permanent flow. The people as network would be a political subject with as many brains as assemblies, in which collective learning, reaction against domination, and social change would occur organically and independently from representative government and political parties.

Zugl.: Heidelberg, Universiẗat, Diss., 2004.

From the time of its first publication, Rosa Luxemburg’s main economic work, The Accumulation of Capital, was heavily criticized. This set a precedent towards the dismissal of her economic theory which has continued almost to the present day. Very recently, however, a stream of literature favourable to Luxemburg has begun to emerge. Commentators in this group have attempted to re-evaluate Luxemburg’s contribution to Marxian economic theory by, among other approaches, attempting to show her as an important precursor to Michal Kalecki. This work operates within this framework. It attempts to further specify the nature of the theoretical relationship between Luxemburg and Kalecki by closely examining and comparing the economic theories of the two thinkers. What such a study reveals, however, is that this relationship is better defined as a one of rupture rather than of continuity. While Kalecki seems to accept the basic structure of Luxemburg’s argument, he modifies and qualifies it in so many respects as to make it almost unrecognizable. But such a divergence between the theories is hardly surprising if we view them in their proper historical contexts. The differing empirical, personal and political backgrounds from which the theories emerged is what would have led to the development of the divergent elements within them. Such substantial differences in the contexts which gave rise to the respective theories underscore the ill-advised nature of the attempt to draw too strong a link between the economic thought of Luxemburg and Kalecki. / Graduate

The work The Image of Jan Hus in the Early Modern Czech Literature tries to map different ways of description of this Czech preacher in selected literary texts from 15th to 18th century, to capture the changes which his image underwent. The chosen authors come from different countries and use different languages, represent different environments, social classes and opinion groups, they also have different education and religion. Individual literary works were assessedby means of comparing the key episodes that are either repeated in the texts, or the author intentionally did not use them. To understand the image of Jan Hus as a whole, also contemporary iconography was taken into account , which in some cases has been taken from other literary texts than those which were compared, so that the image of Hus whereas complete as possible. The comparison of the texts and iconography showed, how accurate the observation of the described scheme was and how the image of Jan Hus was gradually changing. The combination of written and iconographic material from specific time intervals allowed us to observe the gradual change of conceptions of the personality of Jan Hus and events connected with him, because the authors represent the opinion of their ethnic group and time. The image of Jan Hus is therefore very...