Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Eduardo Zini Davoglio.pdf: 1036340 bytes, checksum: e8fc1186fd5b06a1a92378bb3a047453 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to think, from a specific interpretation of what Kaplan and Sprinker termed "the Althusserian legacy", his theoretical system and its objects, the specific relations linking the concepts of ideology, law and subjectivity. Thus, undertakes an analysis of ideology in its theoretical and practical senses, its connections with philosophy, science and politics, to understand that while the category of Subject is banned from the materialist philosophical problematic, it plays a decisive function as a scientific concept of historical materialism. Throughout the pages we discover the connection between the question of knowledge imposed by classical bourgeois philosophy and the categories effectively operating in legal practice; between Marx s early humanism and the theoretical and practical ideologies of Man, which appears always as the couple humanism-economism; and between the constitution of the imaginary function of the subject by the ideological interpellation and the commodity circulation practices. All this is unveiled through the tools of Marxists science and philosophy, exposed in its absolute specificity in the first two chapters, analyzed from the perspective of a chronology of its incorporation within the Althusser's work, which involves a number of aporias and mobilizes reading arrangements whose inspiration is the author himself. It is, therefore, at the end, an attempt to apprehend, from Althusser's developed problematic, its possible outcomes for thinking the juridical field, its historical specificity and the functions that correspond to it in the reproduction of social relations of capitalist production. / O presente trabalho tem por escopo, a partir de uma interpretação específica daquilo que Kaplan e Sprinker denominaram o legado althusseriano , seu sistema teórico e seus objetos, pensar as relações específicas que ligam os conceitos de ideologia, direito e subjetividade. Assim, empreende uma análise da ideologia em seu sentido teórico e prático, suas conexões com a filosofia, a ciência e a política, para compreender que, enquanto a categoria de Sujeito está irremediavelmente banida da problemática filosófica materialista, ela desempenha na qualidade de conceito científico uma função decisiva no dispositivo do materialismo histórico. Ao longo das páginas vamos descobrindo a conexão existente entre a questão do conhecimento imposta pela filosofia burguesa clássica e as categorias efetivamente em operação na prática jurídica; entre o humanismo de juventude de Marx e as ideologias teórica e prática do Homem, que se constituem sempre na forma do par humanismo-economicismo; e entre a constituição da função imaginária do sujeito pela interpelação ideológica e as práticas da circulação mercantil. Tudo isso vai sendo desvendado através dos instrumentos da ciência e da filosofia marxistas expostos em sua absoluta especificidade nos dois primeiros capítulos, analisados sob a ótica de uma cronologia da sua constituição no interior dos trabalhos de Althusser, o que envolve uma série de aporias, e mobiliza expedientes de leitura cuja inspiração é o próprio autor. Tratase, portanto, ao cabo, de uma tentativa de apreender, a partir da problemática althusseriana desenvolvida, seus possíveis desdobramentos para o pensamento do campo jurídico, sua especificidade histórica e as funções que a ele correspondem na reprodução das relações sociais da produção capitalista.

A presente pesquisa analisa a questão da adesão teórico-conceitual à democracia realizada por um grupo de intelectuais comunistas no Brasil, ao final da década de 1970 e ao longo dos anos 1980. O trabalho analisou Presença Revista de Política e Cultura publicada em dezoito exemplares de 1983 até 1992 , na qual grande parte desses intelectuais participaram. Apresenta-se a hipótese de que a publicação do ensaio de Carlos Nelson Coutinho, A democracia como valor universal, em março de 1979, pode ser considerada o momento decisivo da adesão à democracia política a partir de uma linguagem vinculada ao marxismo-comunismo no Brasil. Indica-se como esse movimento de adesão à democracia está associado a uma nova interpretação da história e da conjuntura político-social do país. A principal referência teórica desse grupo são as obras de Gramsci. No mais, sugere-se que esse movimento de adesão teórico-conceitual está inserido em um movimento das ideias políticas mais amplo, o qual está vinculado às características da conjuntura do período de transição política brasileira. / The present research analyses the conceptual adhesion to democracy of a group of communist intellectuals in Brazil, from the end of the 1970s through the 1980s. The work accomplishes the analyses of Presença, a review of politics and culture published in eighteen issues from 1983 to 1992, in which a great part of these intellectuals took part. The hypothesis proposes that the publication of Coutinhos essay A democracia como valor universal, in March 1979, can be considered a decisive moment in relation to the adhesion to political democracy still using a language linked to Marxism-communism in Brazil. We point out this movement of adhesion to democracy is linked to a new interpretation of the countrys history and political-social juncture. The main theoretical benchmark of this group was Gramscis work. Furthermore, it is suggested that this theoretical movement is understood within a wider movement of political ideas, which is linked Brazils political transition period.

Essayiste mondialement connu, éditorialiste dans de grands hebdomadaires français, agrégé de philosophie, Jean-François Revel a accompagné la vie intellectuelle française et internationale de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Né le 19 janvier 1924 à Marseille, décédé le 30 avril 2006, il se caractérise par un itinéraire intellectuel qui s’ancre profondément dans son temps. Il l’est comme tous les penseurs de son siècle, certes, mais sans doute encore davantage, car il est un penseur peu théoricien, avant tout soucieux des faits. Il compose son argumentaire libéral et l’emploie dans la grande presse et dans ses essais à grand succès, au service de la défense d’une démocratie qu’il juge menacée de l’intérieur et de l’extérieur.Libéral impénitent, Revel prend résolument la défense de la démocratie libérale contre le totalitarisme communiste et le socialisme marxiste. Polémiste, il critique durement la Constitution de la Ve République, le « grand dessein » du général de Gaulle, l’Union de la gauche entre socialistes et communistes et l’antiaméricanisme des Français. Sceptique popperien, il tente de dégager les ressorts intellectuels de ce qu’il appelle la « tentation totalitaire » et de la paralysie des démocraties occidentales confrontées aux ambitions géostratégiques de l’URSS.Publiciste à la manière des écrivains du XIXe siècle, témoin des grands défis politiques, économiques, sociaux et idéologiques du XXe siècle, sentinelle isolée du libéralisme au temps du marxisme triomphant, ardent défenseur de la démocratie libérale si combattue et malmenée par les fascismes et les totalitarismes nazi et communiste, Revel aura donc occupé une place à la fois centrale et marginale dans l’histoire des idées en France.En outre, Revel est resté, en vérité, et malgré une ferme empreinte anglo-saxonne, un libéral démocrate français, certain de son ancrage à gauche en dépit des controverses le visant, affronté à une gauche française profondément marxisée et une droite gaulliste et post-gaulliste très nettement hostile au libéralisme. Pour lui, l’adhésion au libéralisme intégral n’est pas une question de dogme, mais d’expérience : le libéralisme politique assure la paix civile, l’équilibre des pouvoirs et la participation des citoyens à la vie politique ; le libéralisme économique garantit mieux que l’interventionnisme étatique l’efficacité et la justice sociale.Penseur mineur par rapport à Aron ou Hayek, essayiste et polémiste, Revel a, depuis son décès, été plongé dans un relatif confinement. Son rôle de diffuseur des idées libérales dans la grande presse – plutôt que dans les cercles universitaires – n’est que rarement souligné dans les travaux sur le libéralisme au XXe siècle. L’objet de ce travail est de tenter de remédier modestement à ce confinement. / Writer all over the world, columnist in top French weeklies, graduated in philosophy, Jean-François Revel went through the international and French intellectual life from the end of the war on. Born on July 19, 1924, Marseilles, passed away on April 30, 2006, his intellectual profile was deeply rooted in his time. So were his intellectual contempories in this century, but undoudtedly still more, because his thought was little theoritical, based on facts before all. His liberal reasoning was used in the largest press and in his best-selling books at the service of democracy, that he sees as threatened internally and externally.Publicist in the way of the 19th century-writers, watchman of prominent political, economic, social and ideological challenges in the last century, isolated sentinel of liberalism in the period of triumphant Marxism, fierce champion of liberal democracy that was fought by fascisms and Nazi and Communist totalitarianisms, Revel played a role both central and marginal in the history of ideas in France.Moreover, Revel remained, and in spite of a real Anglo-Saxon stance, a French liberal democrat, convinced of being left-winger even though he was the target of controversies, faced with both a deeply Marxised French Left and a clearly antiliberal Gaullist and post-Gaullist Right. Giving his support to integral liberalism was not a question of dogma but of experience. Political liberalism ensures civil peace, check and balance, the participation of citizens to political life, and economic liberalism is better than state interventionism to create social justice and to guarantee efficiency.Philosopher of minor interest if compared with Aron or Hayek, political writer and polemist, Revel has, since he died, been relatively confined. His role of vulgarizator of liberal ideas in the largest press – rather than in the academic inner circles – has rarely been underlined in the studies dealing with 20th century-liberalism. The topic of this thesis is to try to modestly make Revel’s work better known.

This thesis explores the intellectual history of editor, writer, and philosopher, Paul Piccone and Telos, an independent journal of contemporary critical theory, which he founded in 1968. Born in Italy, Piccone lived most of his life in the United States, earning his Ph.D. in philosophy at SUNY-Buffalo in 1970. Piccone served as Telos’ editor and a major contributor from 1968 to 2004. This thesis follows the trajectory of his thought by contextualizing his writing within the broader world of Marxist, and eventually post-Marxist, political philosophy. Telos also concerned itself with modern interpretations of historical dialectics and early 20th-century Marxist philosophy. Piccone himself predicated much of his philosophy on Husserlian phenomenology, which stresses concrete experiences, and his writing therefore stands at a unique confluence of Husserl and Marx. Piccone ultimately became a leading exponent of anti-Liberal philosophy and the theory of artificial negativity, which examines capitalist hegemony in both material and socio-historical terms.

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This paper investigates the science fiction novels of Swedish crime writer Per Wahlöö, most famous for his collaboration with his writing partner Maj Sjöwall on the ten Martin Beck mysteries. During two important years, 1964 and 1968, Wahlöö wrote the novels Murder On the 31st Floor and The Steel Spring, set in a near future land ruled by a social fascist power structure where political opposition is eradicated. The pretexted notion of this paper is that these novels consists of extensive quantities of criticism against the Swedish welfare state and the monopoly-capitalistic Swedish press during the sixties. Through the lens of science fiction theory and the notion of the novels as historical sources this paper concludes that Per Wahlöö´s science fiction becomes a bridge between the classic Swedish detective novel and the new social critic crime fiction in the style of Sjöwall-Wahlöö and others. The novels are also representations of the historical process in the mid-sixties during the radical turn: the sci-fi novels as social criticism of the contemporary society – an utopian flare. Other conclusions of this paper are the connections between Wahlöö´s novels and marxist critical theory as well as their relation to the Swedish labour literature´s view on the individual in the modern society. Especially Murder On the 31st Floor forebodes a lot of the radical marxist criticism so widely spread in the latter part of the sixties.

The dissertation examines the roots of modernity at the turn of the 20th century through the prism of the relationship between nationalism and internationalism. This seemingly incompatible affiliation between the two ideological archenemies has produced one of the most intriguing paradoxes of modern history. While theoretically attempting to reject nationalism as a transient product of capitalism, Marxism has in practice oftentimes exploited its appeal and utilized its extensive institutional repertoire. The study traces the evolution of Marxism’s conceptualization of the nationality question—a slow shift from an outright rejection of nationalism to an acceptance of its progressive features, complexity, varieties and influences. Interweaving intellectual and cultural studies in history with the political and intellectual history of the European Left, the study offers an intricate narrative of the crossroads of two important ideologies in theory and practice. The dissertation’s comparative and transnational approach reveals several important hitherto superficially explored aspects of Marxism’s difficult dialogue with nationalism. Firstly, it re-evaluates Karl Marx and Friedrich’s views on the nationality question, from its outright denial to limited acceptance and application. Secondly, it re-examines the multitude of Social Democratic responses to nationalism before the Great War. The advent of mass politics and the popularization of Marxist ideas produced a range of diverse socialist responses to the national conundrum throughout Europe. A comparison of Western (French and German), East Central and Eastern European (Austrian, Polish and Russian) and Soviet attitudes highlights some of the startling similarities and differences between the various groups’ ideological constellations. Finally, the dissertation uses the case study of the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski, KPRP) to reveal certain insights about the cumulative heritage of Marxist thought on nationalism. An analysis of the KPRP reveals a lot not only about a national party’s struggles with nationalism (challenging many historiographical questions), but also about the diverse conceptualizations of Marx and Engels’ thought on nationalism, about European Social Democracy’s debates about the phenomenon, and about the Soviet nationality policy (within and outside the Soviet Union).

The dissertation examines the roots of modernity at the turn of the 20th century through the prism of the relationship between nationalism and internationalism. This seemingly incompatible affiliation between the two ideological archenemies has produced one of the most intriguing paradoxes of modern history. While theoretically attempting to reject nationalism as a transient product of capitalism, Marxism has in practice oftentimes exploited its appeal and utilized its extensive institutional repertoire. The study traces the evolution of Marxism’s conceptualization of the nationality question—a slow shift from an outright rejection of nationalism to an acceptance of its progressive features, complexity, varieties and influences. Interweaving intellectual and cultural studies in history with the political and intellectual history of the European Left, the study offers an intricate narrative of the crossroads of two important ideologies in theory and practice. The dissertation’s comparative and transnational approach reveals several important hitherto superficially explored aspects of Marxism’s difficult dialogue with nationalism. Firstly, it re-evaluates Karl Marx and Friedrich’s views on the nationality question, from its outright denial to limited acceptance and application. Secondly, it re-examines the multitude of Social Democratic responses to nationalism before the Great War. The advent of mass politics and the popularization of Marxist ideas produced a range of diverse socialist responses to the national conundrum throughout Europe. A comparison of Western (French and German), East Central and Eastern European (Austrian, Polish and Russian) and Soviet attitudes highlights some of the startling similarities and differences between the various groups’ ideological constellations. Finally, the dissertation uses the case study of the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski, KPRP) to reveal certain insights about the cumulative heritage of Marxist thought on nationalism. An analysis of the KPRP reveals a lot not only about a national party’s struggles with nationalism (challenging many historiographical questions), but also about the diverse conceptualizations of Marx and Engels’ thought on nationalism, about European Social Democracy’s debates about the phenomenon, and about the Soviet nationality policy (within and outside the Soviet Union).

ABSTRACT For more than fifty years, Philip Levine has successfully written verse and prose on a number of subjects and themes including the complexities of familial relationships, the anarchists of the Spanish Civil War, the importance and effects of memory in life, race relations in the United States, the poet’s Jewish identity, and the very struggles that writing meaningful poetry involves. A cursory look at the scholarship on Levine’s poetry reveals that these are the topics frequently discussed and analyzed. However, as anyone can recognize in the criticism on Levine’s verse, Levine’s reputation does not rest so much on his attention to these themes and topics as it does on his presentation of and sympathies with individuals working in the context of modern industrial society. This dissertation identifies and analyzes Levine’s presentations of work and working-class individuals. Starting with the argument that more scholarship needs to be performed on Levine’s poetry than what currently exists, the dissertation’s first part points to Levine’s reputation in and contributions to American poetry. Proceeding to undertake the further study called for in part one, the second part of the dissertation identifies representative examples of working-class elements within Levine’s poetry and places them within historical context as far as poetry is concerned in general. Part three specifically looks at the ways in which Levine’s poetry expresses and relates to Marx’s idea that all of history revolves around the concept of class struggle. The final section of the dissertation explores how Levine’s poetry represents Marx’s theory of alienation among the working-class, identifying and analyzing key examples from throughout the poet’s oeuvre.

My purpose in this work is to argue that the resolution of capitalism’s contradictions, as they are understood by Marx, fits the criteria of an economic movement towards sustainability. The Marxist analysis of capitalism, while accurate in many respects (especially with the explanation of contradictions generated in the capitalist free market), requires more explanation of the manner in which the economic process of valuation is to continue in the stages succeeding late capitalism. This work will provide an explanation of this economic transition that remains faithful to Marx’s understanding of history and the historical development of the productive forces and the relations of production. I will propose the inclusion of ideal capital (the valuation of non-material goods) as an economic component to help explain a sustainable economic arrangement under a Marxian framework. I will additionally address critiques arising from Bohm-Bawerk in my endorsement of a Marxian economic analysis.