Maritime piracy, a phenomenon which has plagued free maritime trade for thousands of years, has entered a new age of sophistication and global reverberation. These acts of illegal criminal activity in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries yield a significant profit margin for the perpetrators while creating considerable cost for ransom payments, security measures, capital, and human life. The classification of maritime pirates, as either criminals hoping to gain financial income or terrorists hoping to usher in political change, is warranted and compelling. If maritime pirates conduct their operations to institute political change, it is possible that flags of the United States and its allies can be more susceptible to pirate attacks than others. The author argues that although the definitional separation of "maritime piracy" and "terrorism" is becoming increasingly blurred in the twenty-first century, pirates will attack ships based on convenience and opportunity rather than based on the flags of vessels. Testing of this theory will be based on quantitative data produced by the International Maritime Bureau to test pirates’ ideologies as a variable. To test if deprivation is a variable to consider, the author will also compare Indonesian economic performance with the frequency of attempted pirate attacks off its waters.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-08-17T12:31:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ígor Santos Katz.pdf: 2651768 bytes, checksum: 87ae1987965590cd3ef9fc0c57bbd73c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-17T12:31:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ígor Santos Katz.pdf: 2651768 bytes, checksum: 87ae1987965590cd3ef9fc0c57bbd73c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-11 / The standardization of international trade is a global reality where we find traces since the period of Lex Mercatoria until more recently, in the 1920s, the ICC (International Chamber of Commerce) wanted to harmonize the main terms of trade that afterward would be called as Incoterms (International Commercial Terms), given that the current version is the 2010 and include 11 terms (EXW, FCA, FAS, FOB, CFR, CIF, CPT, CIP, DAT, DAP e DDP). The are International Organization such as WCO (Word Customs Organization) and OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operational and Development, among others, working hard to harmonize the rule of international trade. Regarding the Brazilian rules and the harmonization of international trade rules, a great part of militate in the customs area believes that the standardization of basic proceeds of international trade will bring greater legal security on business practice and maybe would avoid some questions that sometimes seems to be peculiar to Brazilian market. Proof of this, occurs when the Brazilian buyer requires to the European or American seller to issue the commercial invoice in accordance with the Brazilian regulation in order to avoid customs penalties and extra costs in the process, such as storage and demurrage. In the relentless pursuit of trade simplification and good-faith in the international trade relation is when we actually looks in the subject with vision that the importer and exporter could have more predictability of the process of customs clearance / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar alguns aspectos da legislação aduaneira frente à necessidade de harmonização do comércio internacional. Em hipótese alguma visa apenas reduzir a termo tudo aquilo que já se conhece ou que já se fala atualmente sobre esta, que é uma das mais antigas atividades sobre a qual se tem informação. A padronização do comércio internacional é uma realidade global sobre a qual encontra-se vestígios desde a época da antiga Lex Mercatoria. Mais recentemente, na década de 1920, a Câmara de Comércio Internacional (CCI) buscou harmonizar os principais termos de comércio, que posteriormente seriam chamados de International Commercial Terms (Incoterms). Sua versão atual é de 2010 e contempla 11 termos (EXW, FCA, FAS, FOB, CFR, CIF, CPT, CIP, DAT, DAP e DDP). Existem organizações internacionais como a Organização Mundial das Alfândegas (OMA) e a Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômico (OCDE), dentre outras, trabalhando com afinco para uniformizar as regras de comércio no âmbito internacional. No tocante às regras brasileiras e à uniformização das regras de comércio internacional, boa parte dos que militam na área aduaneira acreditam que a padronização de procedimentos básicos do comércio internacional traria maior segurança jurídica na prática e que, talvez, evitaria questionamentos que, às vezes, parecem peculiares ao mercado brasileiro. Prova disto ocorre quando o comprador brasileiro requer ao vendedor europeu ou americano a emissão de fatura comercial de acordo com a regulamentação brasileira com a intenção de evitar multas aduaneiras e, custos extras no processo relacionados, por exemplo, à armazenagem e demurrage. Na busca incessante de facilitar o comércio e a boa-fé nas relações de comércio internacional é que se debruça no tema com o objetivo de que o importador e o exportador possam ter maior previsibilidade do processo aduaneiro

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelino Andre Stein.pdf: 1124431 bytes, checksum: c1ffbf0839b099ad8f101e78bf0f31fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-21 / This study aims to discuss the main legal and economic aspects of flags of convenience (FOC). Its specific objectives, are to help reduce dependence by Brazilian users of shipping services provided by carriers that make extensive use of flags of convenience. As justification for the study, we note that it is an important issue for long-term strategic interests of the Brazilian State. The development of a long-term State Maritime Policy is critical to a Country that has one of the largest coasts and internal waterway networks in the world. The hypothesis addressed in this work is the study of the major legal and economic aspects of flags of convenience as well as the possibility of using the WTO through the GATS, to combat this practice or, alternatively, adapt it to the entire international maritime community so all Countries and their Merchant Marines can enjoy the same legal framework. The method is inductive, since the author will depart from particular issues to achieve generalized conclusions. This method extends the freedom of the researcher, allowing him to consult a variety of sources, so that, intuitively, the author can reach the proposed result. Emphasis will be given to the impact that these flags of convenience cause to the development of a Brazilian Maritime Power as well as a Brazilian strong Merchant Marine and possibilities of using the WTO Word Trade Organization, to curb this practice. It is argued that this practice violates the GATS (General Agreement on Tariffs and Services) rules, highlighting unfair competition in the international maritime market / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo geral contribuir para a redução da dependência dos usuários brasileiros de serviços de transportes marítimos prestados pelos navios de bandeiras de conveniência. Trata-se de tema importante para os interesses estratégicos de longo prazo do Estado brasileiro, o que justifica a relevância desta pesquisa. A elaboração de uma Política Marítima de Estado, de longo prazo, é fundamental para um país que tem uma das maiores costas e malhas hidroviárias do mundo. A hipótese desta pesquisa sustenta que o estudo dos principais aspectos jurídicos e econômicos das bandeiras de conveniência, bem como a possibilidade de uso da Organização Mundial do Comércio, através do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Serviços GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services - GATS), para combater tal prática, ou adequá-la para que toda a comunidade marítima internacional possa dela usufruir. O método utilizado é o indutivo, pois partir-se-á de questões particulares para conclusões generalizadas. Este método amplia a liberdade do pesquisador, ao lhe dar a liberdade de beber em diversas fontes para que, intuitivamente, chegue ao resultado proposto. Será dada ênfase ao impacto que tais bandeiras causam na construção do Poder Marítimo brasileiro e possibilidades de uso da Organização Mundial do Comércio para coibir tal prática. Sustenta-se que tal prática viola o GATS tendo em vista a concorrência desleal no mercado internacional marítimo

Through the Freedom of Navigation Program, established in 1979, the United States exercises diplomatic and military options for disputing maritime claims it judges to be inconsistent with customary international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Yet, despite the United States’ universal commitment to freedom of navigation and the law of the sea, it has behaved inconsistently from 1979-2013. This dissertation examines the variation and asks under what conditions the United States demonstrates its refusal to acquiesce to maritime claims—either by issuing a diplomatic protest or driving a warship through the disputed waters. This dissertation introduces a new dataset of every coastal state in the world over this 34-year period, coding each type of maritime claim made by every coastal state in the world, whether the United States disputes that particular claim, and whether the United States takes some kind of diplomatic or operational action to dispute it. The mixed-method analysis proceeds with a large-n quantitative analysis that sets up a qualitative case study on the Strait of Hormuz. The dissertation begins and concludes with a discussion of current conditions in the South China Sea and the United States activity in this disputed region. This study finds that territorial and usage claims are twice as strongly correlated with operational assertions as a response than diplomatic protests. More specifically, coastal states that require foreign ships to obtain permission prior to entering their territorial sea are most highly correlated with operational assertions. When the United States disputes a maritime claim, military powers and wealthy states are no more likely to receive Freedom of Navigation operations (FONOPS) than others. Moreover, bilateral trade relationships and polity type hardly seem to matter. Similarly, neither the number of ships nor diplomatic representation increases the likelihood of FONOPS. Rather, a coastal state’s possession of nuclear weapons significantly increases the likelihood of receiving an operational assertion—especially if that states has made a declaration upon ratification of UNCLOS.

Le retentissement des catastrophes maritimes de ces dernières années, Erika, Prestige, Deepwater Horizon, a confirmé l’importance des enjeux de pollution marine, tant auprès du grand public que des décideurs politiques. Aucune leçon n’aurait-elle été tirée de ces précédents? Les appels à une prise en compte accrue de la protection de l’environnement n’auraient eu que peu d’impact sur les pratiques des transporteurs et armateurs. Les atteintes à l’environnement marin doivent être au plus vite jugulées et ce grâce à des outils adaptés et efficaces. Or, le droit maritime, droit relatif à la navigation qui se fait sur la mer, ne serait plus en mesure de protéger correctement son environnement car fondé sur des principes de responsabilité civile. L’évolution des nécessités recommanderait que lui soient substitués les principes issus du droit commun de l’environnement, fondé sur la responsabilité pénale. Dans un premier temps, l’identification des risques maritimes, anciens comme contemporains, démontre que malgré une évolution certaine des technologies et un accroissement de leur complexité, ceux-ci demeurent fondamentalement identiques, avec en toile de fond le marin, le naviguant agissant dans le cadre d’une organisation. Dans un second temps, l’analyse du traitement des risques techniques démontre, en premier lieu, la capacité du droit maritime à se réformer en s’inspirant des bonnes pratiques issues de l’industrie offshore., L’analyse des risques juridiques confirme, en second lieu, que le droit maritime, malgré ses imperfections, possède les ressources pour se réformer et répondre aux attentes contemporaines en matière environnementale. / The impact of the maritime catastrophes of recent years such as Erika, Prestige, and Deepwater Horizon, has confirmed the concerns regarding marine pollution, both with the general public and political decision-makers. Has no lesson been learned from these events? Calls for greater awareness for environmental protection have had little impact on the practices of transporters and shipowners. Violations of the marine environment must be halted as soon as possible, using suitable and effective methods. Maritime law, which relates to navigation by sea, is no longer able to protect the environment because it is based on principles of civil responsibility. Changes in obligations suggest that this should be replaced by principles derived from common law on the environment, based on criminal responsibility. In the first part, the identification of maritime risks, both old and contemporary, demonstrates that in spite of some developments in technology and an increase in its complexity, it remains fundamentally identical, with the backdrop of the sailor, the navigator, acting within the framework of an organization. In the second part, the analysis of the treatment of technical risks demonstrates, firstly, the capacity of maritime law to reform, taking the lead from good practice derived from the offshore industry. Secondly, the analysis of legal risks confirms that maritime law, in spite of its imperfections, has the resources to reform and respond to contemporary expectations in environmental matters.

海域執法係國家安全的基石，社會及經濟穩定的助力，科技的進步及人權高漲已是國際社會之趨勢。人民對法律執行的要求，已由被動轉而期待法律須符合時代潮流；演變迄今，對法律內容質疑的觀念，執法品質與標準，更而有主動審視能力。依大法官釋字第535 號解釋文要旨，人民對個人擁有基本權利之重視程度，尤其權利限制或禁止，執法人員更應謹慎嚴竣面對及維繋人民擁有之權益。行政院海岸巡防署為我國海域執法專責機構，其執法範圍包括內水、領海、鄰接區、經濟海域、大陸礁層至公海等，兼具國內與國際執法能量的巡防機關。所執行的法律，不僅要迎合國家情勢與社會人民期待，更需要符合國際海洋法所賦予沿海國管轄權利。 接近權、緊追權、登臨檢查權乃海域執法實施態樣中，與人民權利義務關係密切，且會侵害人民各種基本權利，由大法官釋字第535號解釋文可得知其對人民個人基本權利之重視程度，因此，為了維護人民權利，海域執法人員更應審慎面對。如有發生違法或不當情形時，並應給予人民有救濟之機會。 海域執法方式亦可分為對人、對物之執法及對船接近權、緊追權、登臨權方式，並討論海域執法方式及海域執法程序，且因海上執法程序包括攔停、登臨及行政檢查等程序，次再探討海域執法與刑事搜索、行政檢查之區別，最後再分析海巡機關執行行政檢查之相關問題點。巡防機關人員職權之行使困難度甚於陸上警察。基此，訂定專屬海岸巡防機關於執法時所依據之職權行使法律，務必能與法定任務相結合，以保障執法人員自身安全與民眾自由權利。 / Maritime law enforcement is the fundamental issue for the national security as well a great component for the social and economic stability. This is the trend of international society, especially on the aspects of the highly advancement of scientific technology and the upward surge of human right. People become non-passive on the carrying-out of .law enforcement without contortion and actively conform to the quality and standard of laws by the institutional performance. It is noted that people have serious considered their individual rights, especially to the limitation or prohibition of their rights after the release of 535 th solution by the grand justice. It is the obligation of law maker or practitioner to carefully examining people’s right.Coast Guard Administration of Executive Yuan is the sole institution responsible for maritime law enforcement. Its maritime law enforcement scope consists of internal waters, the territorial sea, the contiguous zone, the exclusive economic zone, the continental shelf and the high seas. The CGA enforce the laws and conform to not only the nation, but also the international jurisdiction rights. The right of approaching, hot pursuit, boarding and searching are various types of the maritime power’s implementation,that has a affinity with the rights and obligations of people,often aggrieve human essential rights. From the 535th solution released by the grand justice conference, we can see the importance of human essential rights. Therefore, maritime law enforcement workers should face them more carefully and rigorously in order to protect human rights. When people were damaged by illegal or unmerited action of employees from the Coast Guard Administration that should give people chances to relieve.CGA is one domestic and special maritime enforcement institution, which ambit of law enforcement includes internal waters, territorial sea, contiguous zone, exclusive economic zone (EEZ), continental shelf and high sea. Firstly, the methods of maritime law enforcement could be divided into three aspects: for humans, objects, and the boats including the right of approaching, right of hot pursuit, and boarding and inspection. Besides, the procedure of maritime law enforcement includes sea interception, boarding and inspection. Secondly, this study distinguishes among law enforcement, criminal rummage and detainment. Eventually, it analyzes the problems which occur during the task of coast guard institutions enforcing rummage. Overall, coast guard personal executes the task on the sea is certainly full of various risks and harassment which is more difficult than policemen does on land. Therefore, the exclusive laws of duty should be made for coast guard intuitions to obey in law enforcement and as to unify into statutory missions.

進入全球化的21世紀，對於海上安全議題，個別國家已經無法獨自處理。海上安全議題所牽涉的範圍相當廣泛，尤其是必須面對傳統的與非傳統安全所交織而成的威脅，而這些威脅將對國家安全產生重大影響，因為海洋環境的安全，關係到世界各國的生存發展，如果海洋受到威脅，將對世界政治與經濟安全產生強烈衝擊，並嚴重危害人類社會秩序與穩定。 自1982年聯合國《海洋法公約》公布後，各沿海國家紛紛競逐海洋領土，引發區域內利益衝突，我國為一海洋國家，生存發展必須仰賴海上，當然也受到衝擊，舉凡海洋領土、海上交通、貿易、能源礦藏、漁業資源保育、環境保護等事項，均受到各國海權擴張的影響，囿於我國政治地位及地理環境的特殊性，周邊國家均不願正視我國的存在事實，加上專屬經濟海域與各國嚴重重疊因素，至今無法循正常外交管道協議劃界，進而衍生 “海洋領土爭議”、“漁權爭端”、“海域資源開發與探勘”及“海上犯罪”等影響我國家安全之問題。 目前各國在處理海洋爭端時，用和平與對話的方式是當今現代國家最高指導原則，但其核心仍然離不開海洋控制，所以發展強大的海上武裝力量仍將是實現海權必要步驟和標誌。但是，若動用海軍來處理海上非軍事面向的衝突時，將可能引發戰爭。因此，若要維護國家海權伸張以及降低軍事衝突的可能性，擁有一支足以擔負起海上安全任務、確保國家利益卻又不帶軍事色彩的海域執法機關是不可或缺的，惟有建構強大海上執法實力，我國海上安全與海洋權益才能獲得確保。本論文從中共、韓國、日本、菲律賓與越南等周邊國家，比較我國與各國在海洋事務之推展及海上執法機關能量之現況，發掘問題、分析檢討不足之處，進而提出符合我國國家安全與區域海上安全的對策。 / Maritime security is beyond the ability of each individual country in an era of globalization in 21st century as it involves extensive scope of topics especially for traditional and non-traditional threats they need to face, in which these threats will cause major impact on the national safety as the safety of marine environment is associated with survival and development of various countries in the world, there will be strong impact on the global politics, economy and safety and will severely endanger social order and stability of human beings once the ocean is being threatened. Since “Oceans and Law of the Sea”was announced by the United Nations in 1982, the various coastal countries have been competing for the marine territory and caused conflict of interests within the region, Taiwan is a marine country which relies on the sea for its survival and development and will by all means be affected. Those which are associated with marine territory, marine traffic, trade, energy & mineral resources, fishery resources care, environmental protection matters will be all affected by sea power expansion of various countries. Due to the particularity of our political status and geography, the peripheral countries all ignore the existence of Taiwan, and also, the territorial sea of Taiwan is overlapping with various countries, have led to unavailability of marking off the territory through normal diplomatic channels and further caused “sovereignty of marine territory dispute”, “fishing right dispute”, “resource development & investigation of territorial sea” and “cross-border” crime at sea and other issues that will affect our national security. Currently, the various countries follow principles of peace and conversation when dealing with maritime disputes and mainly stay with maritime control; therefore, developing strong marine force is necessary step to take and a symbol to realize sea power. However, it may cause war if using the navy to handle the non-military conflict at sea, therefore, it is indispensable to have a maritime law enforcement authority that is capability of taking the responsibility of maritime security, ensuring national interest without military influence if you’d like to protect the expansion of sea power of a nation and minimize the military conflict. Only having strong capability in maritime law enforcement will ensure maritime security and marine benefits of Taiwan, in which this paper proceeds comparisons of PRC, Korea, Japan, Philippines, Vietnam and other peripheral countries with Taiwan in terms of promotion of marine affairs and current situation of marine law enforcement authorities so as to discover problems, analyze shortcomings, and to further propose countermeasures that comply with our national security and regional maritime security.

I studien ställs frågan hur den historiska förordningen ”produktplakatet” från 1700-talet ska tolkas i ett modernt juridiskt perspektiv. Produktplakatet reglerar än idag ett förbud för utländska redare att bedriva sjöfart på svenska vatten. En sådan aktivitet kallas för cabotage, vilket är franska och betyder ’kustfart’. Produktplakatets lydelse och den praktiska tillämpningen av förordningen genom behörig myndighet skiljer sig åt på olika sätt. Den största skillnaden är att produktplakatet, enligt ordalydelsen, endast förbjöd främmande att transportera varor mellan svenska orter. Tillämpningen idag har kommit att innebära ett förbud för utlandsflaggade fartyg att bedriva kommersiell sjöfart över huvud, så länge som det sker mellan två punkter inom Sveriges territorialvatten. I studien görs först en tolkning av vad produktplakatet, och den svenska regleringen av cabotage, innebär. I studien framkommer att produktplakatet sannolikt har tolkats alltför brett. Vid beaktande av vad produktplakatets skyddssyfte var, och vad den faktiska lydelsen var i förordningen, tar jag ställning för att de tjänster som borde avses i förordningen endast utgör transporter av gods. I förlängningen, med tanke på sjöfartens utveckling till att alltmer omfatta transporter av människor, anser jag dock att en utvidgning från lydelsen är rimlig och nödvändig med anledning av skyddssyftet. Vidare anser jag att det är en alltför långtgående tolkning att produktplakatet ska anses omfatta alla resor som företas inom svenskt territorialvatten, enär ordalydelsen är att resorna ska företas mellan två olika orter. Orter bör, enligt min mening, tolkas som ’hamnar’ eller liknande fasta uppbyggnader där ett fartyg kan lägga till. Tolkningarna innebär vissa avsteg från behörig myndighets tolkning av förordningen. Inom EU-rätten finns en motsvarande reglering av cabotage, som har syftet att öppna upp den inre marknaden. Således har den nationella bestämmelsen och den gemenskapsrättsliga bestämmelsen olika utgångspunkter. Det EU-rättsliga begreppet cabotage har också vållat stora tillämpningsproblem, men med hjälp av praxis kan några slutsatser dras med viss säkerhet. Det EU-rättsliga begreppet tar sikte på sjötransporttjänster, som i huvudsak består av transporter av människor eller gods inom ett EU-land. De tjänster som inte har huvuddrag gemensamt med sådana transporter är sannolikt inte cabotagetjänster enligt EU-rätten.  Vid en komparation mellan det EU-rättsliga begreppet och det nationella begreppet framkommer ett antal skillnader. De största skillnaderna finns mellan svensk myndighetspraxis och EU-domstolens praxis. Det faktum att det finns skillnader i definitionerna, strider inte i sig mot gemenskapsrätten. Det kan ändock finnas skäl till att tolka den nationella rätten i ljuset av EU-rätten, speciellt i ett så säreget fall som med produktplakatet. En sådan tolkning skulle främst innebära att sjötransporttjänster, vars huvudsakliga syfte inte är att transportera människor eller personer, troligen inte skulle anses vara cabotagetjänster. Vidare skulle det med största sannolikhet finnas en begränsning i den resa som är föremål för cabotage; resan måste gå mellan hamnar och/eller en fastare konstruktion inom landets territorialvatten och/eller på landets kontinentalsockel.

International trade in large amounts of commodities resulted in the recent growth of the shipping industry. With larger ships being constructed to meet land based demands for various types of commodities combined with the unpredictable and often perilous conditions at sea, the risk of a shipwreck arising becomes more likely. Not only do these wrecks pose a danger to the environment and to navigation but also, in the event of the shipowner escaping liability by abandoning the wreck for instance, the state affected by the wreck finds itself financially burdened by the costs involved in having the wreck removed. Moreover, an affected state cannot intervene and impose conditions to the shipowner to have a wreck removed if it occurred in its exclusive economic zone because the state’s jurisdiction is limited to preserving natural resources. Thus, despite drifting cargo and the ship itself posing a hazard to coastal states, they had no authority to intervene and issue a wreck removal notice. Recognising these safety concerns and lacunae in international law, the International Maritime Organisation formulated the Nairobi International Convention on the Removal of Wrecks, 2007, (“Nairobi Convention”) which was aimed at governing the regulation of removing wrecks whilst imposing strict liability on the shipowner, subject to the other liability Conventions and limitation of liability. However, after a survey was conducted by the Comitè Maritime International it was also established that national laws of many states such as the United Kingdom (“UK”) and South Africa were inadequate to enforce liability claims for costs incurred in removing a wreck. As a result, the Convention allows contracting states to apply the provisions of the Convention to their territorial sea. This dissertation will discuss relevant provisions of the Nairobi Convention and illustrate how it has been implemented and consequently reformed the law of the United Kingdom. The dissertation will then analyse the implementation strategy which enforces the Convention in the UK, with the aim of providing a suggestion of how South Africa should enforce the Convention into its national laws. This will lead to an assessment of the current legislative framework governing wreck removal in South Africa with the aim of establishing whether the law is need of reform and how this should be facilitated. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.

Dans la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle, le Sultanat de Zanzibar a été au cœur des politiques abolitionnistes et coloniales aussi bien françaises que britanniques. En effet, l’île de Zanzibar ne fut pas seulement le plus grand marché aux esclaves de l’océan Indien mais aussi la porte d’entrée privilégiée des trafiquants d’esclaves, des abolitionnistes, et des partisans de la colonisation en Afrique Orientale. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux controverses, ayant opposé la France et la Grande-Bretagne dans les eaux territoriales de Zanzibar, sur le droit de visite des bateaux transportant des esclaves ainsi que sur le droit des boutres à battre pavillon français et à échapper ainsi aux contrôles de la Royal Navy. Cette recherche souligne combien ces questions furent importantes, non seulement pour les relations de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et du Sultanat de Zanzibar, mais aussi pour le droit international et les relations internationales jusqu’à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Ce travail montre que les opérations de lutte contre la traite qui ont eu lieu à Zanzibar ont inspiré de nombreux officiers de marine, des consuls, des diplomates, des juristes, et des hommes politiques, aussi bien français que britanniques, quant à la conception et à la mise en œuvre « d’interventions humanitaires ». Ainsi l’histoire des opérations de lutte contre la traite menées dans le sultanat de Zanzibar permet d’éclairer de manière originale l’histoire du concept d’intervention humanitaire ou « d’humanité » (« intervention in the score of humanity »). Cette recherche souligne combien la nature de ces interventions humanitaires a sans cesse oscillé entre de véritables idéaux abolitionnistes et des enjeux coloniaux pressants. / In the second half of the nineteenth century the Zanzibar Sultanate became the focal point of French as well as British imperial and humanitarian policies. In fact, the island was not only the most important slave trade emporium of the Indian Ocean but it was also the great gateway to East Africa for slave traders, humanitarians, or imperialists alike. This thesis looks at the controversies which took place in Zanzibar waters between France and Britain over the right of searching vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade as well as the right of dhows to fly the French flag and escape the Royal Navy’s scrutiny. This research highlights how important these questions were, not only for the relations of France, Britain, and the Zanzibar Sultanate, but also for international law and international relations up until the eve of the First World War. This work demonstrates that the anti-slave trade operations which took place in Zanzibar inspired many navy officers, consuls, diplomats, Foreign Secretaries, and lawyers – whether British, French, or American – on the theory and the practice of “humanitarian interventions”. Indeed, the history of anti-slave trade operations implemented in the Zanzibar Sultanate sheds a new light on the history of the concept of humanitarian intervention, or “intervention in the score of humanity” – (“l’intervention d’humanité”) – as it was then called. This research underlines how these humanitarian interventions unceasingly swung between genuine humanitarian ideals and pressing imperial issues.