May Fourth society encouraged the female writers to progress and requested them to play the role of "an understanding wife and loving mother". This conflicting expectation made "the love and marriage" a major trial for the educated female at that time. The May Fourth women's liberation movement had this characteristic: women were utilized as a tool rather than liberated human beings. Sharing a common background, the May Fourth female writers tried to find a family of ¡¨her¡¨ own besides the father's family and the husband's family. This dissertation tries to study and compare ¡§the love and marriage issue¡¨ in the novels of the May Fourth female writers such as Chen Hengzhe¡]³¯¿Å­õ¡^¡BLu Yin¡]ÃfÁô¡^¡BSu Xue-Lin¡]Ĭ³·ªL¡^¡BBing Xing¡]¦B¤ß¡^¡BLin Shu-hua¡]­â¨ûµØ¡^¡BFeng Yuan-Jun¡]¶¾¨J§g¡^Shi Ping-Mei¡]¥Ûµû±ö¡^.It is this author¡¦s hope that through this study we can understand more what these female writers thought on the issue of gender subjectivity.

本文所謂「五四意識在台灣」係指三方面而言。其一、在思想觀念上，台灣這一政治社會實體所蘊生的文化思想體係，對五四思想文化觀念的接受、批判、轉化和變遷；其二、從人物與台灣的關聯淵源上著手，考量其深淺遠近，以及出版著作在台灣的傳播影響；其三、在資料性質上，以呈現出台灣五四特質的出版論著、對話回憶、成果回顧；包括中國大陸及海外之資料，也以對於台灣五四思想研究和闡述為主。在此三者的界定下加以運用說明，並且從「五四意識在台灣」，逐漸產生「台灣的五四意識」的發展趨向，形成與其他五四觀點相通但也有區別的五四立論，表現出台灣特殊時空環境下對五四的認知和變遷的理路。 五四意識在台灣，隨著不同政治文化形勢的轉變，分別呈現橫向移植與縱向傳承的特色，亦是無可否認的客觀事實。以台灣史的分期而論，五四曾以不同姿態，經過三次主要的起落，分別在不同時期展現其不同的歷史角色。首先在1920年代開始至30年代初期，五四主要以台灣新文學及新文化啟蒙的形態，以《台灣民報》等報章雜誌為途徑，傳播、影響了台灣思想文化運動。初始是以黃呈聰、陳端明、黃朝琴等人扮演重要的推手；1924年以後，張我軍（1902–1955）鼓吹的白話新文學更掀起了全面的論戰與風潮。直到隨著中、日關係的緊張及日本軍國主義的肆虐，30年代中葉遂步入衰退期；況且台灣新文學及新文化，也於此之前就產生了本土化及左翼化的現象。張我軍、許乃昌、賴和、黃呈聰、黃得時、陳端明、蘇薌雨等曾經留（遊）學中國的台人，其努力未竟全功，可說只有橫向的移植，難以形成有效、廣泛且影響持續的縱向傳承。除了掀起新舊文學、白話文及台灣話文的論爭外，對新文化的思想啟蒙雖有一定的成效，但都為擁有強勢政經實力的日本文化壓制，終而在戰爭後期成為以日文為主導的文化主流，加上日本的現代化本較中國成功，因而除了民族主義的號召——「對抗同化」與彌補認同「文化的缺口」等心理層面的需求之外，台灣實質現代化的動力，不應忽視日本帶來的影響。有人認為日治時期五四在台灣的移植，是一個「失敗的移植」。 但即算是失敗，也仍有其影響，並成為後來五四意識在台灣延續的火苗。從思想文化史的角度來說，五四意識實未曾在台灣完全斷絕過。 其二、在1945年戰後，由於大陸籍各式立場文人的來台，加上五四有著濃厚的中國民族主義色彩，再度於台灣引起討論，也可謂是「再中國化」的文宣教材之一。其中，魯迅是相當具有代表性的五四人物，此時期對於他的紀念與研究，象徵著1949年之前，兩岸無分省籍的推崇。經過二二八至白色恐怖的鎮壓，五四左翼風潮瞬間殞落，因此一段左翼風潮持續時間短暫，故可以一漣漪視之。然即在稍後，跟隨國民黨遷台，1950年代初期，五四以來的自由主義知識份子，亦期盼在台灣獲得一片新天地，冀盼一方面以五四自由傳統作為反共的利器，另一方面則能以此思想價值作為鞭策國民政府實現民主憲政、自由理想的指標。五四自由主義傳統影響的文人、學者，甚至政治人物移居台灣後，五四自由主義的思想觀念，在當時反共的需求下，反而得到在台灣落地生根的機會，戰後台灣民主自由觀的形成，與反對運動精神形塑的第一階段，頗受胡適、雷震與殷海光等五四自由傳統人物的影響。 余英時認為《自由中國》陣營可說是「五四」主流的新發展，他們結合本土勢力與一黨專政的對抗，終於使得民主、自由的種子流傳下來，因而雷震、殷海光在後來的反對黨方面仍享有很高的聲望， 甚至造成後來五四思想觀念在台灣縱向傳承的可能，其影響幾延續至今。五四口號——「民主」、「科學」一時之間又頗受強調，《自由中國》陣營的胡適、雷震、殷海光是主要代表，特別殷海光是此時宣揚五四精神的首屈建筆，此一趨向在《自由中國》與國民黨日趨緊張後，五四更成為批判國民黨的符號象徵。1960年9月《自由中國》停刊，特別是在1962年2月胡適去世之後，除了《文星》、《大學雜誌》的局部火花之外，五四意識在台灣的延續，又告中落，政治霸權又再一次壓抑了思想文化、自由民主的發展進程。 其三、此種情況，直到五四60週年（1979年）前後，由於中國大陸民主運動的勃興，及國民黨當局希望藉由相對中國的民主開放，而以繼承五四理想正統自居的地位，批判中共的專制政體。被壓抑許久的五四紀念風潮，瞬時大舉復甦，幾乎延續至1989年中國八九民運之時，五四成為中國民主自由燈塔的形象更為鞏固。不過，或許極盛而衰，也大約在此時，台灣民主政治的發展，已逐步邁向新的階段，本土化趨向勢不可擋，五四80週年紀念的氣氛已不如60、70週年時熾烈，但台灣主體的五四觀，卻在此期間趁勢而起，更彰顯了台灣歷史多元的文化特色，五四在台灣又進入了新的階段，未來的演變仍值得持續觀察。但是，政治力量——無論台灣本身或是中國大陸的情勢，都深深影響了台灣歷史文化的演變，五四意識即是其中突出的事例。 在這三起三落一漣漪中，五四意識在台灣並非突然興起，或突然完全斷裂已至消失終止，而是在退潮時，以隱而未顯的方式，繼續存在台灣社會的角落，以不同的型態延續存在。如以文學形式、或在批判五四、學術思想等方面，都仍有五四的遺緒和影響。特別是從思想史的角度而論，浪漫主義、唯理主義的探討與批判一直是貫穿台灣五四意識史的重要部份。五四是台灣政治、社會、思想文化史的極具意義的大熱點的原因，除了兩岸關係對立複雜又難以逃避之外，台灣國家認同的問題亦是凸顯五四意識在台灣變遷重要性的一大關鍵。無論統獨的立場如何，雙方多能夠肯定五四對於提倡自由民主的理想價值，也都肯定胡適、雷震、殷海光等五四自由思想人物；若不以成敗論英雄的話，他們對台灣、中國的努力，實是具有歷史前瞻性的貢獻，也是兩岸雙方應共同珍視的文化資源。此外，通過長期的五四探究與批判，產生了五四以降，政治、社會、思想文化建設的諸多觀點，其中林毓生「傳統的創造性轉化」的思考，可說是其針對五四意識型態化的思想困局，所提出的解決方案。 / May Fourth Consciousness in Taiwan are very important for our.The May Fourth Movement was part cultural revolution, part social movement. On the cultural side, the students had been inspired in the preceding two decades by Western thought, creating a feeling of frustration and dissatisfaction with Chinese tradition. In the intellectual ferment that resulted from this, answers were sought for the questions why and how China had lagged behind the West. Taiwan intellectual user May Fourth Consciousness look for Taiwan and China's modern world.

本文分為〈緒論〉、〈結論〉及正文四章。第一章〈禮教與反禮教〉。「禮教」一詞住住因為使用者不同而帶有不同的意涵，有時指的是三綱制度，有時是指禮法制度，有時又可以說是生活中的禮俗。本章試圖從文獻中釐清禮的層次，並從禮的層次來說明禮教的涵意。在說明禮教的定義之後，我們所想了解的是清末的反禮教思潮之演進，及其發生的社會歷史背景。第二章〈周作人之生平與思想淵源〉。由於政治因素的封殺，所以周作人一生的事蹟就顯得暗淡模糊。本章第一節〈周作人的生平〉的目地即在於利用周作人與當時幾個重要刊物的關係做為經線來貫穿周作人在五四時期的事蹟。第二節〈周作人思想的淵源〉及第三節〈周作人之文學觀〉的主旨是闡明周作人反禮教思想之由來及其反禮教思想在文學活動中的表現。周作人常稱自己是雜定，因為他的興趣廣泛，對於許多的知識都有非常濃厚的興味，是以他的思想外貌就顯得紛亂，使人有眼花撩亂的感覺。然而在紛亂的外表之下，卻是秩序井然，層次分明。第二、三節的主旨即在於撥開紛亂的思路，呈現周作人的思想理路。並且做為本文繼續研究周作人反禮教思想之基礎。第三章〈周作人對禮教內容之剖析〉。本章旨在說明周作人在五四時期反三綱制度、反薩滿教的禮教、反性迷信及其相關問題的言論。在本章中也說明周作人在攻擊禮教之後，是否有建設性的想法。在五四時期，知識份子破壞太多，建設太少，因而整個社會呈現出無所適從的亂像。周作人一方面破壞禮教，一方面也提出他的新「禮」做為新行為規範的參考，希望能為中國盡自己的一分心力。第四章〈新道德觀與人的「發現」〉。本章的主旨在延續上一章最後一節的討論，即周作人對於新「禮」的討論的深化。對於婦女問題、兒童問題、新村運動及當時正在迅速發展的民間文學及民俗學問題，他都曾積極參與討論，並提出新的見解。他希望藉著他從西方引進的新知識能夠推動建立新的道德觀。並且希望新的道德觀─「禮」是中國新文化的基石。

This thesis is a study of the Chinese diaspora in Singapore from 1819 to the 1950s. It begins by situating the diasporic subject in a historical context, highlighting some of the key moments in the diaspora's development, such as the advent of colonialism during the nineteenth century, and the formation of an ethnic enclave in the settlement. The discussion then calls into question the construction of the Chinese subject in colonial discourses, and interrogates the ways in which the diasporic population was constituted within the framework of colonialism. The main purpose has been to examine how the diaspora in Singapore has evolved, and to explore the adequacies, or inadequacies, of existing diasporic theories in the ways they relate to the Chinese experience. This is achieved by recapitulating the theoretical implications of existing diaspora frameworks, and questioning the tensions and limitations generated by such discourses. Simultaneously, this study takes into consideration the construction of a "Chinese identity", and does so by presenting possible ways of conceptualisng what it means to be "Chinese" for subjects of the diaspora. In discussing the extent to which the subject's sense of "self" and belonging has been shaped by its immigrant past, this research draws on and studies the writings, both literary and non-literary, that have emerged from the community. A central concern in all this is the identity and subjectivity of the diasporic subject, and the point here is that not every subject experiences diaspora in the same way, but that these alterities are important in the constitution and formation of a Chinese identity. As I note in the introduction, the issue of what it means to be Chinese, and indeed, the issue of home and belonging, is one that is always contested for people in the diasporic community, and the aim of this thesis has been to continually deconstruct the idea of a "single" Chinese diaspora, and to expose it as a heterogeneous, fragmented, and internally differentiated construction.

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The thesis is a study of the May Fourth Spirit in Lin Hai-yin¡¦s novel. Her acceptance of the May Fourth literature thoughts and May Fourth women¡¦s novel had affect her writing. The first chapter is the research history of Lin Hai-yin¡¦s novel and theory of this thesis: Aesthetics of reception, narratology and Feminist Literary Criticism. In the second chapter we research Lin Hai-yin¡¦s personal history during the time of May Fourth. The May Fourth Spirit had affect her vision, but because her marginal perspective, which made her novel more objective and unique. The third chapter is the influence of May Fourth women¡¦s novel in Lin¡¦s. On the theme, subject matter, writing strategy, she followed these writer¡¦s strategy, but present more profound thoughts which different from them. In the fourth chapter we discuss the plot and characters of Lin¡¦s novel. The narrator in Lin¡¦s novel is usually a woman. Through these women¡¦s eyes, we saw a women¡¦s world that has solid sisterhood. We also saw the faces of men in her novel which are weak and escape from making decision are not the same with the traditional men¡¦s character kinds. And there also shows her concern of society through these characters. The last chapter is discussing Lin¡¦s novel¡¦s acceptation and influences in Taiwan. In past criticism, her novel¡¦s theme had been seen like homesick. But the writing strategy of women during the anti-commu period is selected themes that considered not important, like love, marriage¡Ketc. to show they concerned society by these characters¡¦ fate. In conclusion we affirmed Lin Hai-yin¡¦s novel has great value, and she is one of the most important novelists in the 1950¡¦s age.

The Republican period in Chinese history (1911-1949) is generally seen as a series of anti-imperialist and anti-foreign movements that coincide with the development of Chinese nationalism. The continual ties between Chinese nationalists and Japanese intellectuals are often overlooked. In the midst of the Sino-Japanese war, Uchiyama Kanzō, a Christian pacifist who was the owner of the bookstore, acted as a cultural liaison between May Fourth Chinese revolutionaries who were returned students from Japan, and Japanese left-wing activists working for the Communist cause, or visiting Japanese writers eager to meet their Chinese counterparts. I explore the relationship between Japanese and Chinese cultural literati in Shanghai, using Uchiyama Bookstore as the focal point. The ongoing Sino-Japanese tensions surrounding the "history problem" overemphasize the views of the right-wing nationalists and the Japanese state, dismissing the crucial role of left-wing groups. Uchiyama is a key link to understanding the ideological connection between Pan Asian anti-war activists in the pre-war period with peace activists in post-war Japan who were often accused of being "China's hand." Uchiyama, valued for his prewar connections with prominent Chinese intellectuals, becomes one of the founding members of Sino-Japan organizations upon his return to Japan after the war. I situate non-governmental Sino-Japanese organizations within the larger peace movement in Japan, which are transnational, in contrast with intergovernmental organizations that operate on the basis of nation-states. This work will contribute towards a growing recognition of histories that transcend nations, by focusing on both Chinese and Japanese cosmopolitan individuals who continued to form ties with each other, even as their respective nation-states were either at war, or did not have normalized diplomatic relations. I hope to also shed new light on histories of Republican China and post-war Japan, as well as explore issues related to empire and globalization in East Asia. / text

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The expression ‘New Culture Movement’ was born in summer 1919, in the intersections of academic debate, political activism, media coverage and intellectual marketing strategies. I have traced the emergence of the phrase and the discourses around it, using sources like journals, newspapers, student essays, advertisements and conference protocols. The New Culture Movement was a buzzword, deployed by practically-minded but lesser-known intellectuals to promote agendas they had held long before its invention. Many notions we associate with the Movement until today already surrounded it in 1919: for example, that it was connected to the political protests of ‘May Fourth,’ and driven by star intellectuals such as Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu. But closer scrutiny reveals that the New Culture Movement and its network of associations were a construct, an amalgam of newspaper stories and intellectual marketing ploys: the connection to May Fourth was created by newspapers; the intellectuals at the periphery drew upon Hu Shi’s and Chen Duxiu’s prestige to add glamour to their own agendas. Nevertheless, the New Culture Movement shaped China’s 20th century. As only some agendas could credibly be sold as the Movement, it catalysed the plethora of competing agendas that had emerged since the 19th century to tackle the challenges of a changed world order. The New Culture Movement later became a founding myth of ‘Modern China’ and was regarded as the obvious result of global trends towards ‘modernisation,’ which visionary intellectuals recognised. But more recent literature has decentred the Movement, noted a longer history of its ideas and the careerism of its participants. I drive this point further by showing that, at the Movement’s very core, were practically-minded business and marketing strategies, deployed by numerous, lesser-known actors. It was in this way that the course for 20th-century China and one of its founding myths was set.