Media framing is present in everything one observes on social media. In athletics, mainly collegiate football, media framing goes into each and every detail that goes out to the public. With Power 5 sports, such as the Southeastern Conference, football is one of the most profitable, newsworthy and highly recruiting-based sports out there. Therefore, the planning that goes into all of the social media channels, specifically on the website called Twitter, is planned down to a science. However, there are times where that is not the case, as crises can arise at any given moment. This research explains how seven SEC football sports information contacts were interviewed about their social media habits for any and all situations that could arise on their platforms, and how they plan to handle it while keeping the brand, overall message and trust of its fanbases.

Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur svensk dagsmedia framställer mordoffer som har kopplingar till kriminella nätverk och analysera hur den framställningen skiljer sig från hur andra, utomstående mordoffer drabbade av gängrelaterat våld beskrivs. Studien genomfördesi form av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där 26 nyhetsartiklar från Aftonbladet och Expressen analyserades. Resultatet av studien visade att media främst framställer gängkriminella mordoffer på ett negativt sätt genom att lyfta fram de kriminella delarna av offrets liv, till exempel de brott som mordoffret begått och vilka kopplingar mordoffret hade till andra kriminella. Detta skiljer sig från framställningen av utomstående, oskyldigt drabbade mordoffer där media istället främst beskriver hur mordoffret var som person och framhäver de positiva sakerna med offrets liv / The purpose of this study has been to investigate how Swedish news media portray murdervictims who have connections to criminal networks and to analyze how that representation differs from how other, "innocent" victims of murder exposed to gang-related violence are described. The study analyzed 26 news articles from the Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet and Expressen by using a qualitative content analysis. The results of the study showed that the media mainly present criminal murder victims in a negative way by highlighting the criminal parts of the victim's life, such as the crimes they committed and what connections they had to other criminals. This differs from the portrayal of innocent murder victims where media mainly focuses on how the murder victim was percieved as a person and highlights the positive things about the victim's life.

Master of Science / Department of Journalism and Mass Communications / Todd F. Simon / The debate over human origins was a prominent fixture of U.S. news coverage during the first decade of the 21st century. During this period, U.S. news media featured regular portrayals of an all-out culture war between supporters of biological evolution and advocates of so-called “rival theories” of human origins. In the end, this war would cost American taxpayers millions of dollars in legal fees, confuse science students, divide communities with unparalleled animosities, and alter public policy at the city, county and state level. While there have been previous content analyses performed on U.S. newspaper coverage of evolution and its primary challenger, an idea called "intelligent design," these analyses have tended to be somewhat informal (Mooney & Nisbet, 2005) or lacking (Martin, et al., 2006). The following study addresses these gaps in the literature. Using content analysis, the following study examines hard news coverage of intelligent design presented in 12 U.S. newspapers of varying circulation size and storytelling influence. A final sample of 421 newspaper articles originally published between the years 2000 and the end of the year 2009 is analyzed herein. Results demonstrate that U.S. newspapers initially framed intelligent design as primarily a religious / unscientific concept, but that intelligent design was increasingly framed as a scientific / unreligious concept leading up to, during and after the landmark 2005 Kitzmiller v. Dover trial. Additionally, this study finds no significant differences in framing intelligent design as a religious / unscientific or scientific / unreligious concept by dedicated science reporters and non-science reporters.

The purpose of the presented research is to evaluate the presence of the protest paradigm on a non-violent protest during a sport event, using the national anthem and the national flag as its strategy. The study will examine the protest performed by Mahmoud Abdul-Rauf in 1996, Carlos Delgado in 2004 and Colin Kaepernick in 2016. The empirical data is collected from three major newspapers reporting about the protest and a content analysis is performed to evaluate the presence of negative framing. Drawing from previous research an analytical framework is constructed and used to evaluate the material, presenting a number of negative frames present. The study finds that the protest paradigm is present in all three cases, however with some variations. The articles often discuss the strategy of the protest over the claim being made. Characteristics like the individual’s salary or performance, the public opinion of outsiders or the response from the authorities are highlighted. The analysis state that the use of a national symbol is problematic for an activist as this tends to become the main story in articles rather than the claim of the protest.

The ongoing war in Syria and the subsequent refugee crisis has brought the need for refugee resettlement to the forefront of policy debates. Canada and the United States display stark differences in the outcome of their refugee policies. Canada continues to welcome Syrian refugees, whereas the United States has become less willing to engage in resettlement. The purpose of this study was to use Entman's conceptualization of framing theory to compare media framing of refugees in Canada and the United States to deliver insight into the different policy outcomes. Data were acquired through a content analysis of 850 newspaper articles in each country that were measured with 2 separate Lexicoder instruments to represent the salience and selection of the media coverage about refugees. These data were then analyzed primarily through compare-means tests to determine if there were differences in media reporting between the 2 nations. Findings indicated that newspapers in the United States portrayed refugees more negatively than newspapers in Canada. The tone and frame of the articles differered significantly between the 2 countries (p < .001). These results suggested that newspaper articles in the United States portrayed a less favorable attitude toward refugees compared to Canada. The implications for positive social change include the necessity by intergovernmental, governmental, and nonprofit organizations who are tasked with refugee resettlement in the United States to counter the negative portrayals of refugees in the media in order to enhance the integration process of refugees in society and motivate additional resettllement opportunities.

This study examined the frames used by the U.S. print media -- The New York Times, The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times -- in their coverage of the Kashmir conflict and the parties involved in it from 1989 to 2003. It divided the 15-year period of coverage into four phases -- 1989-1990, 1991-1998, 1999-2001, and 2002-2003 -- and focused on the coverage of seven subjects. It then identified sources and keywords from 180 news reports and placed them into categories from which it isolated thematic clusters or frames. The study found that in the first two phases, the conflict was described as a violent Kashmiri separatist movement, a frame that changed to one depicting it as ongoing violent conflict between India and Pakistan. In all phases, Kashmiris were predominantly identified as armed militants fighting for secession of Kashmir from India, a goal that decreased in prominence in the last two phases. India was depicted initially as a country suppressing the rebellion in Kashmir through violent means with the help of its armed forces, a frame that shifted later to a military force fighting Pakistani troops and non-Kashmiri Islamic fighters. Pakistan was consistently identified as a country supporting the Kashmiri separatist movement with arms and training,and later as a country itself participating in the conflict through its military. The United States was consistently described as a country concerned with peace and security in South Asia. The dominant frames in all periods were found to be portraying the conflict as a war and in the last two phases, a potential nuclear war. The Indians, Pakistanis and Kashmiris were always characterized through their religious identities -- Indians as Hindu, and Pakistanis and Kashmiris as Muslim or Islamic. Official sources were consistently greater in number than unofficial sources for India, Pakistan and the United States but for Kashmiris, unofficial sources scored over official ones in all four periods.

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The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames. The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion. Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.

As the media followed the turn of events in Belarus, increasing arrests and the violence that followed brought tens of thousands of Belarusians into the streets to demand change, end police brutality, and display how far human rights abuses have come in Lukashenko's regime. This thesis argues that in the cases like this, foreign media comes forward to either further protester's voices or shut them down, which, drawing on the previous research, is considered dependent on the geopolitical relations of the countries involved. Departing from the normative knowledge that media, politics, and protests are interrelated, this thesis bridges theories of all three of the latter fields to craft an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for the research. Building on political and media opportunity structures and indexing theories, this thesis addresses questions of how independent from authorities is the media and how a geopolitical position might influence the coverage of the conflict. The framing analysis of LRT English, Deutsche Welle, RT, and Daily Sabah coverage during the 22 weeks is conducted to identify the coverage's patterns, developments, and changes in the coverage. The results have shown that the amount of coverage is related to the authorities position announcement. Democratic and protest supportive countries cover the protest extensively even before the authorities react; meanwhile, less democratic countries show that the coverage significantly increases as soon as the government reaction is publicised. Furthermore, the framing of the protesters differs as well. On the one hand, protesters and violence are depicted differently, on the other, frames employed in opposition supportive countries' media outlets are more diverse and explorative than in the media of Lukashenko's allies.

Settler colonial history underlies much of contemporary industry, including the extraction and transportation of crude oil. It presents itself in a variety of contexts; however, this disquisition applies a traditional Marxist perspective to examine how settler colonialism is present in news media representation of American Indian activists during the Dakota Access Pipeline protest. Rather than focus on the benefit of using colonized labor for financial gain, this disquisition pushes Marxism into settler colonialism in which the goal is to eliminate the Indigenous and continue to widen the gap between social classes. This research is important for two reasons. First, the media are powerful, making it the perfect vehicle to disseminate inaccurate representations of American Indians. These incorrect representations come in the form of media frames that created an altered reality for news audiences. Second, the term settler colonialism, in particular its relationship with American Indian protest, has been little studied in the American field of communication. A comparative qualitative content analysis was applied to media artifacts from the protest that occurred in North Dakota. Artifacts were discovered using a constructed week approach of two online versions of print publications—the Bismarck (ND) Tribune and the New York Times—and one digital only news site, Indian Country Today. One hundred twenty four artifacts were examined in total. Five dominant frames emerged from the analysis: blame, cultural value, water, American Indian stereotypes, and confrontation. These frames were considered dominant due to the number of coded excerpts that appeared in at least 20% of the artifacts. The frames either contribute to or resist settler colonialism based on the publication in which it appears. The Bismarck Tribune contributed the most to settler colonialism; the New York Times neither rejected nor acknowledged it while Indian Country Today resisted through recognition of America’s settler colonial past, sovereignty, and government-directed violence. The implication of this research is that elimination of the American Indian is ubiquitous in American news media. The mainstream media contributes to widening the gap between social classes, ensuring the dominant class stays in power and Indigenous issues are ignored.